由於北韓在後冷戰時期的挑釁為中國的邊境安全構成侵害，中國政府對北韓的不滿程度因而日漸提升。中國政府因而減少與北韓之間在政治層面的互動、對經濟制裁的實施持支持的態度，以及通過強化與南韓的交往的方式傳達對北韓的不滿。中國的舉動雖然使北韓的「被遺棄困境」壓力進一步增加，但是北韓持續對外挑釁，甚至主動侵害中國在朝鮮半島的地緣政治利益。既有的文獻指出，當北韓面對中國的壓力時，平壤利用自身為中國所帶來的地緣政治價值，侵害中國的利益。在此情況下，中國政府為了防止捲入不必要的衝突當中，因而維持對平壤的支持。然而，中國政府仍未停止對北韓的支持且表明放棄北韓不會視為北京應對平壤的政策選項。在這方面，既有的文獻無法分析北韓針對中國挑釁的必要與時機。為了克服既有研究的不足，本研究提出「聯盟強制外交」的概念，檢視 1992 年至 2022 年期間北韓與中國之間的互動，從而探討北韓在何等情況下需要挑釁中國，以應對自身的「被遺棄的困境」。本研究認為，當北韓承受「高強度」(Intense Level)「被遺棄的困境」的情況下有針對中國挑釁的必要。

Due to North Korea’s provocations compromising China’s interests, China became more displeased with North Korea’s provocations as Beijing would likely be entrapped into an unnecessary conflict between Pyongyang and Washington. To constrain North Korea from undermining China’s interests, Beijing tried to maintain a distance from Pyongyang. In this case, China’s measures produced abandonment anxieties in North Korea. The existing research argues that North Korea engages with brinksmanship games against China to retain Beijing’s support. However, there is an absence of indicators to measure abandonment anxieties in alliance politics. Hence, it is difficult to examine under which conditions Pyongyang feels necessary to coerce China. To address the knowledge gap, I developed a concept of “alliance coercive diplomacy” to explore how North Korea has reduced its abandonment anxieties caused by China from the post-Cold War era to 2022. To develop this research framework, I will analyze factors causing abandonment fear and the reasons behind “alliance coercive diplomacy” being the most feasible measure for a junior ally to adopt to maintain its patron’s support. Moreover, I investigate the conditions of when and how the weaker member would adopt “alliance coercive diplomacy” to keep the ally’s support in the alliance game. In this research, I argue that China is one of the targets of North Korea’s provocations. Nevertheless, Pyongyang would do so when it suffers from intense levels of abandonment anxieties. 

謝辭	i
目錄	iv
表目錄	vi
圖目錄	vi
第一章 緒論	1
第一節 研究背景	1
第二節 研究動機與目的	6
第三節 文獻回顧	8
第四節 研究途徑與方法	21
第五節 研究範圍與限制	24
第六節 論文架構與安排	27
第二章 研究立論：聯盟強制外交	30
第一節 聯盟組成的元素	30
第二節 聯盟政治困境之檢視	33
第三節 「被遺棄的困境」與「聯盟強制外交」的實施	43
第四節 「被遺棄困境」的程度與實施「聯盟強制外交」的時機	45
第五節 「聯盟強制外交」的具體作為與預期效果	48
第六節 「聯盟強制外交」下聯盟成員與對手之間的互動關係	51
第七節 「聯盟強制外交」概念在中朝關係案例中應用	53
第八節 本研究之變數	56
第三章 1992年至2002年期間北韓與中國的關係	59
第一節 1992年至2002年期間東北亞的戰略環境	59
第二節 改革開放以後中國的外交戰略	75
第三節 改革開放以後中國對朝鮮半島政策	79
第四節 北韓回應「被遺棄的困境」的方式	88
第五節 小結	117
第四章 2002年至2012年期間北韓與中國的關係	119
第一節 2002年至2012年期間東北亞的戰略環境	119
第二節 胡錦濤時期中國的外交戰略	136
第三節 胡錦濤時期中國對朝鮮半島政策	140
第四節 北韓回應「被遺棄的困境」的方式	152
第五節 小結	185
第五章 2012年至2022年間北韓與中國的關係	187
第一節 2012年至2022年期間東北亞戰略環境的轉變	187
第二節 習近平時期的中國外交戰略	214
第三節 習近平上任初對朝鮮半島政策	220
第四節 北韓「被遺棄的困境」與回應方式	225
第五節 小結	253
第六章 結論	255
第一節 中朝關係的各時期比較與「聯盟強制外交」概念的應用	255
第二節 研究發現	264
第三節 後續研究建議	269
參考書目	273

表目錄
表 1–1各理論對中朝關係的檢視與限制	18
表 2–1 「被遺棄的困境」與實施「聯盟強制外交」的時機	46
表 3–1 自1988年12月以來美國與北韓之間外交層級的主要互動的主要事例	66
表 3–2 1988年漢城奧運會後南韓與共產主義國家外交關係正常化的情況	69
表 3–3 1990年到1992年間南北高級會議的主要內容與結果	71
表 3–4 1980年代至中韓建交前中朝領導人互訪情形	80
表 3–5 中國與南韓自1983年民航機事件以來的互動	85
表 3–6 北韓給予國際原子能組織所查核的相關設備	94
表 3–7 1992年北韓向國際原子能總署提交與自身核設施相關的最初報告書後直到1993年3月12日北韓宣佈退出〈核不擴散條約〉前相關核查驗的日程	95
表 3–8 美國在北韓宣佈退出〈核不擴散條約〉後直到1994年10月〈核框架協議〉簽署前美朝外交接觸（包括事務接觸與高級會談）的事例	98
表 3–9 北韓在1993年3月12日宣佈退出〈核不擴散條約〉後中國就朝鮮半島核問題的立場與回應	106
表 3–10 中國就「四方會談」的態度與會談期間的相關立場陳述	113
表 4–1 中朝領導人於2002年到2012年間元首互訪情形	142
表 4–2 2002年至2012年間中國與南韓領導人會面概況	148
表 4–3第二次核危機前後中國的立場與回應	158
表 4–4  六方會談成員國在朝鮮半島核問題上的立場與政策目標之整理	160
表 4–5 中國政府就北韓於2006年舉行導彈與核子試驗後回應的相關發言	168
表 4–6 國際原子能總署於2007年至2009年北韓無核化進程的報告	176
表 4–7 中國就回應北韓於2009年至2010年對外挑釁的相關事例	182
表 5–1拜登時期美國強化與盟友就維護印太安全合作之概況	194
表 5–2 中國政府回應北韓於2016年間挑釁舉動之相關事例	232
表 5–3 2018年至2019年間北韓與周邊國家領導人互動之概況	243
表 6–1 北韓在各時期回應「被遺棄困境」的舉措	256
表 6–2 各時期北韓與中國互動的情況整理	261

圖目錄
圖 1 1研究架構圖	28
圖 2 1本研究的研析架構圖	57

壹　中文文獻
一	 專書
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劉金質、潘京初，2006。《1991~2006 中國與朝鮮半島國家關系文件資料匯編（第一冊）》。北京，世界知識出版社。
劉金質、潘京初，2006。《1991~2006 中國與朝鮮半島國家關系文件資料匯編（第二冊）》。北京，世界知識出版社。
戴秉國，2016。《戰略對話：戴秉國回憶錄》。北京：人民出版社。
二	專書論文
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三	期刊論文
王高成，2002/7。〈從小布希之行看美國亞太政策〉，《遠景基金會季刊》，第3卷第3期，頁75-102。
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朱炳元，〈實現「兩個一百年」奮鬥目標的內在邏輯〉，《紅旗文稿》，2018年5月，頁16-18。
朴炳光，2010/7。〈胡錦濤時期中國對北韓政策及其對北韓核武問題之認知〉，《全球政治評論》，第31期，頁27-46。
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吳安家，2002/7。〈論小布希時期的美國對華政策〉，《遠景基金會季刊》，第3卷第3期，頁137-158。
李大中，〈美國歐巴馬政府時期的南海政策〉，《遠景基金會季刊》，第18卷第3期，頁41-84。
李明，2013/4。〈歐巴馬政府的朝鮮半島政策〉，《遠景基金會季刊》，第14卷第2期，頁1–52。
李相萬，2016。〈「薩德入韓」與東北亞的「安全困境」：基於新現實主義的分析〉，《東北亞論壇》，總第128期，頁3-15。
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張沱生，2013。〈朝核問題與中國的政策〉，《國際安全研究》，第5期，第 52-61頁。
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四	網際網路
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中華人民共和國中央人民政府，2013/3/8。〈外交部就朝鮮稱第二次朝鮮戰爭不可避免等答問〉，〈http://big5.www.gov.cn/gate/big5/www.gov.cn/xwfb/2013-03/08/content_2349568.htm〉。
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中華人民共和國外交部，2003/1/10。〈發言人就朝鮮宣佈退出《不擴散核武器條約》答記者問〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200301/t20030110_9290404.shtml〉。
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中華人民共和國外交部，2005/7/14。〈2005年7月14日外交部發言人劉建超在例行記者會上答記者問〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200507/t20050714_7975939.shtml〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2005年3月14日。〈反分裂國家法〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/ziliao_674904/zt_674979/dnzt_674981/qtzt/twwt/stflgf/202206/t20220606_10699015.html 〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2006/11/12。〈2006年12月12日外交部發言人秦剛在例行記者會上答記者問〉，〈 http://kp.china-embassy.gov.cn/chn/zt/cxbdhwt/wjbfyrdxgzl/200612/t20061212_1345300.htm〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2006/11/2。〈2006年11月2日外交部發言人劉建超在例行記者會上答記者問〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200611/t20061102_9290437.shtml〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2006/7/16。〈外交部發言人姜瑜就聯合國安理會一致通過朝鮮試射導彈問題決議發表談話〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200607/t20060716_7975957.shtml 〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2006/7/5。〈外交部發言人劉建超就朝鮮試射導彈事發表談話〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200607/t20060705_9290428.shtml 〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2006/7/6。〈2006年7月6日外交部發言人姜瑜在例行記者會上答記者問〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200607/t20060706_7975952.shtml〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2007/3/15。〈外交部發言人秦剛就匯業銀行問題答記者問〉，〈https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/fyrbt_673021/dhdw_673027/200703/t20070315_5429671.shtml〉
中華人民共和國外交部，2007/3/20。〈2007年3月20日外交部發言人劉建超舉行例行記者會〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200703/t20070320_7975983.shtml〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2008/8/25。〈胡錦濤同韓國總統李明博會談〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676524/xgxw_676530/200808/t20080825_7979744.shtml〉。
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中華人民共和國外交部，2009/7/5。〈外交部發言人秦剛就報稱朝鮮發射導彈事答記者問（2009-07-05）〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676404/fyrygth_676412/200907/t20090705_7976025.shtml 〉。
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中華人民共和國外交部，2012/3/26。〈胡錦濤會見韓國總統李明博〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ziliao_674904/zt_674979/ywzt_675099/2012nzt_675307/hjtseaqfhhjzgjldrdshwbjpzgsfw_675327/201203/t20120326_7955897.shtml 〉。
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中華人民共和國外交部，2016/2/3。〈2016年2月3日外交部發言人陸慷主持例行記者會〉，〈https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/nanhai/chn/fyrbt/201602/t20160203_8521438.htm〉。
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中華人民共和國外交部，2016/3/18。〈2016年3月18日外交部發言人洪磊主持例行記者會〉，〈https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/nanhai/chn/fyrbt/201603/t20160318_8521562.htm〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2016/3/7。〈2016年3月7日外交部發言人洪磊主持例行記者會〉，〈https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/nanhai/chn/fyrbt/201603/t20160307_8521528.htm〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2016/4/15。〈2016年4月15日外交部發言人陸慷主持例行記者會〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/nanhai/chn/fyrbt/201604/t20160415_8521663.htm〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2016/5/31。〈2016年5月31日外交部發言人陸慷主持例行記者會〉，〈https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/nanhai/chn/fyrbt/201605/t20160531_8521815.htm〉。
中華人民共和國外交部，2016/6/22。〈2016年6月22日外交部發言人陸慷主持例行記者會〉，〈https://www.mfa.gov.cn/nanhai/chn/fyrbt/201606/t20160622_8521897.htm〉。
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中華人民共和國外交部，未註明。〈中國與韓國的關係〉，〈https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676524/sbgx_676528/〉
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五	訪談資料
楊文楓，2023/4/12。電話訪談，Oriana Skylar Mastro，慶南大學極東問題研究所，（首爾，韓國）
楊文楓，2023/7/3。當面訪談，李相淑 （이상숙） ，國立外交院 （국립외교원）（南韓首爾）。
楊文楓，2023/4/5。當面訪談，安浩榮（안호영）。慶南大學極東問題研究所（南韓首爾）。
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五	官方文件
“A Strategic Framework for the Asian Pacific Rim: Report to Congress : Looking toward the 21st Century.” The Department of Defense of the United States, 1990.
“The Yoon Suk Yeol Administration’s National Security Strategy: Global Pivotal State for Freedom, Peace, and Prosperity.” Seoul: Office of National Security, 2023.
參	韓文文獻
一	專書
김진아, 2021. 『미국의 북한 비핵화전략』. 서울: 한국방연구원.
지해범, 2020. 『중국은 북한을 어떻게 다루나? 北中동맹의 ‘진화’와 한국을 위한 제안』. 서울: 기파랑.
홍 민, 김진하, 오경섭, 이진규, 2023. 『북한의 국방과학발전 및 무기체계개발계획: 전략적의도와 추진체』. 서울: 통일연구원.
二	期刊論文
권속도, 2015. “김정은 시대 북한의 경제·핵무력 병진노선의 의미와 평가.” 『국가안보와 전략』, 제15권3호, pp. 41-67.
권숙도, 2022. “김정은 시대 조선노동당의 기능과 역할 변화 연구: 군(軍)과의 관계를 중심으로.” 『국제정치연구』, 제25권 1호, pp. 139-167.
권영경, 2018. “7.1조치 이후 북한정권의 경제개혁.개방전략 향후 전망.” 『북한연구학회보』, 제12권 제1호, pp. 1-21.
김수암, 2006. “부시행정부의 대북인권정책: 북한인권법과 민주주의증진법을 중심으로.” 『정치외교사논총』, 제27권2호, pp. 345-372.
김한권, 2025. “적극적 완충국가론과 북중관계 변화.” 『한국과 국제정치』， 제41권 제1호, pp. 37-77.
김효은, 2021. “북한의 사상과 인민대중제일주의 연구.” 『통일정책연구』, 제30권1호, pp. 31-67.
남궁 영, 2004. “부시행정부의 북한전략과 선택.”『한국세계지역학회』, 제22권2호, pp.1-24.
박형준, 2021. "조선노동당 제8차 대회를 통해 본 북한의 대외정책: 대외관계 사업총화보고를 중심으로." 『북한학연구』, 제17권1호, pp. 139-177.
서재진, 2008. “이명박 정부의 비핵.개방.3000 구성과 북핵문제 해결의 전략,” 『통일정책연구』, 제 17권1호,  pp. 27-50.
서재진, 2003. “평화번영정책 추진에 영향을 미치는 요인분석,” 『통일정책연구』, 제12권 1호, pp. 33-63.
신상진, 2005. “중국의 북한 6자회담 전략: 중개역할을 통한 영향력 강화,” 『국가전략』, 제11권 2호, pp. 29-54.
신성호, 2008. “한국의 국가안보전략에 대한 소고: 참여전부의 평화번영정책.” 『국가전략』, 제14권 1호, pp.35-61.
안경모, 강혜석, 2020. “김정은 정권의 대남전략(2018-2020): ‘세 가지 기둥’과 ‘정면돌파전’을 중심으로.” 『한국과 국제정치』, 제36권4호, pp. 171-204.
양문수, 2014. “김정은 시대 경제관리 개선조치의 실태와 평가: 2012~2014년.” 『북한연구학회보』, 제18권 제2호, pp. 59-94.
이계린, 2010. “후진타오 정부의 대북정책: 북한문제를 중심으로.” 『한국과 국제정치』 제26권제4호, pp.145-177.
이사숙, 2019. “북한 최고인민회의 제14기 1차 회의결과: 엘리트 변화와 대외정책에 대한 함의”,『주요국제문제분석』.
이상속, 2010. “김정일-후진타오 시기의 북중관계: 불안정한 북한과 부강한 중국의 비대칭협력강화.” 『한국과 국제정치』, 제26권제4호 pp, 119-144.
이상숙, 2018. “김정일 시대와 김정은 시대의 당.군 관계 특성 비교: 국방위원회와 국무위원회를 중심으로.” 『북한학연구』, 제14권, 제2호, pp. 41-65. 
이상숙, 2019. “북한 김정은 시기 국가기구의 특징 : 김일성.김정일 시기와의 비교를 중심으로.” 『북한연구학회보』, 제23권, 제2호, pp. 85-103. 
이상숙, 2021. “북한 제8차 당대회 주요 내용 평가와 대외관계 정만," 『주요국제문제분석』.
이수원, 하상섭, 2023. ‘북한의 핵 운용 전략 변화 연구: 핵 관련 규범 분석을 통하여’, 『통일과 법률』, 제56호, pp. 104-135.
임을출, 2020. “북한의 경제분야 정면돌파전략에 대한 고찰: 노동당 중앙위원회 제7기 제5차 전원회의 중심으로.” 『세계지역연구논총』, 38집3호, pp. 167-192.
전봉근, 2022. “북한 ‘핵보유국법’과 ‘핵무력정책법’의 비교 평가와 한국의 대응책모색”,『주요국제문제분석』.
정성임, 2009. “1998〜2007년 노동신문 분석을 통해 본 북한의 ‘선군정치’ 논리.” 『통일문제연구』, 제21권제2호, pp. 245-290.
조성렬, 2008. “상생. 공영의 대북정책: 비전과 전략.” 『국제문제연구』, 제8권, 2호, pp. 72-124.
차문석, 2007. “선군시대 경제노선의 형성과 좌표: 핵과의 연관성 및 ‘이중화 전략’.” 『국방정책연구』, 제23권 제2호, pp. 167-195.
최윤경, 2023. “2017~2022년, 한국의 반중(反中) 의미 - 네이버 뉴스 분석을 중심으로.” 『동서인문』, 21호, pp.  59-93.
최진욱, 2002. “부시 행정부의 대북정책과 남북관계 전망.” 『통일정책연구』, 제11권1호, pp. 265-285. 
황지환, 2014. “김정은 시대 북한의 대외전략: 지속과 변화의 ‘병진노선’.” 『한국과 국제정치』, 제30권 1호, pp. 187-221.
三	官方文件
『1992년 통일백서』 (서울: 통일원, 1992)
『2002년 통일백서』 (서울: 통일부, 2002)
『2007년 외교백서』 (서울: 외교부, 2007).
『2008년 통일백서』 (서울: 통일부, 2008).
『2009년 통일백서』 (서울: 통일부, 2009).
『2012년 통일백서』 (서울: 통일부, 2012).
『북한 핵문제 전개과정 및 주요일지(1991.9~1994.9)』 (서울: 통일원, 1994).
四	研究計劃與報告
김보미. 『김정은 시기 북한의 국방력 발전 계획: 억제력의 강화 과정을 중심으로』 (서울:국가안보전략연구원, 2022).
김일기, 김호홍. 『제8차 노동당 대회와 북한 정치: 통치이념, 전략노선, 권력구조를 중심으로』(서울: 국가안보전략연구원, 2022).
안제노, 이수석. 『김정은 시대 권력구조 재편과 김정은의 통치구상』(서울: 국가안보전략연구원, 2021).
五	檔案資料
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <Gorbachev, M. 소련 공산당 서기장 중국 방문, 1989.5.15-18. 전2권 (V.2 자료) >, 분류번호 722.12, 등록번호 ‭2013070046.‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <남북한유엔가입,1991.9.17.전41권(V.28 북한의 유엔가입 신청서 제출(7.8))>, 분류번호 731.12, 등록번호 2020070023.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <미국.북한 고위급 접촉. New York, 1992.1.22. 전2권 (V.2 1992.1.16-31)>, 분류번호 725.1, 등록번호 2013060014.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <북한 핵문제,1991.전12권(V.1 1-4월)>, 분류번호 726.61, 등록번호 32544.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <북한 핵문제,1991.전12권(V.5 7-8월)>, 분류번호 726.61, 등록번호 32548.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <북한 핵문제: 미국 의회 동항.1992. 전3권 (V.2 3-4월)>, 분류번호 726.64, 등록번호 2020010126.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <북한.러시아 관계, 1992. 전2권 (V.2 5-12월)>, 분류번호 725.1, 등록번호 35848.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <북한.소련 관계, 1991. 전2권 (V.1 1-7월)>, 분류번호 725.1, 등록번호 35828.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <북한.중공관계,1990> 분류번호 725.1, 등록번호 32918.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <북한의통일방안,1991>, 분류번호 726.22, 등록번호 2020060048.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <소련의 대아시아 정책-Gorbachov 서기장의 블라디보스톡 연설, 1986.7.28>, 분류번호 721.4, 등록번호 20984.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <소련의 대한반도 정책, 1985>, 분류번호 721.3, 등록번호 20937.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <소련의 대한반도 정책, 1986-87>, 분류번호 721.3, 등록번호 2013050031.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <전기침(錢其琛) 중국 외교부장 북한 방문, 1991.6.17-21)>, 분류번호 725.32, 등록번호 38086.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <조자양(趙紫陽) 중공 수상 북한 방문, 1981.12.20-24>, 분류번호 725.32, 등록번호 11405.
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대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <주한미군 철수(감축), 1991. 전2권 (V.1 1-3월)>, 분류번호 729.23, 등록번호 29952.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <중공.소련 관계, 1985>, 분류번호 722.12, 등록번호 10801. 
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <중국 전세,1986>, 분류번호 772, 등록번호 23146.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <중국 전세,1989 (V3. 6-8월)>, 분류번호 772, 등록번호 38282.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <중국(구.중공).러시아(구 소련) 관계가 한반도에 미치는 영향, 1982-86>, 분류번호 721.3, 등록번호 25068.‬
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <중국. 대만(양안)관계>, 분류번호 772, 등록번호 38149.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <중국.미국 관계, 1993.전2권 (V.1 1-8월)>, 분류번호 772, 등록번호 34713.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <중국정세, 1992(V3 9-12월)>, 분류번호 772, 등록번호 38143.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <한.미국 합동 군사훈련(Team Spirit), 1993. 전4권 (V.1 1992.6월-11.13)>, 분류번호 729.24, 등록번호 2012080235.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <한.미국 합동 군사훈련(Team Spirit). 1992>, 분류번호 729.24, 등록번호 35868.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <한.중공 체육 교류, 1984>, 분류번호 757, 등록번호 11324.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <한.중국 군사회담관련 대책 회의 1991>, 분류번호 729.82, 등록번호 38544.
대한민국외교부 외교사료관, <한국의 유엔가입 전14권 추진, 1989-90.>, 분류번호 731.12, 등록번호 2017110096.
六	網絡資料
이광길, 2009/4/14. “北 ‘6자회담, 다시는 참가 않을 것’,” 『통일뉴스』, <https://www.tongilnews.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=83852>.
SBS World, 2010/5/24. “이명박 대통령 천안함 사태 관련 대국민 담화문 전문,”<https://world.kbs.co.kr/service/contents_view.htm?lang=k&menu_cate=issues&id=&board_seq=257120>.
통일부, 2024/12/4.“남북회담,” <https://www.unikorea.go.kr/unikorea/business/cooperation/usrtalkSN/ukd/>.
KTV국민방송, 2016/1/13.“박근혜 대통령 대국민 담화 및 기자회견,” <https://www.ktv.go.kr/content/view?content_id=517293 >