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中文論文名稱 從中共「允許私營企業主入黨」論中共未來黨的建設走向
英文論文名稱 The Future of CCP’s Party Building on Recruitment of Private Entrepreneurs
校院名稱 淡江大學
系所名稱(中) 中國大陸研究所碩士班
系所名稱(英) Graduate Institute of China Studies
學年度 95
學期 2
出版年 96
研究生中文姓名 張文村
研究生英文姓名 Wen-Tsun Chang
學號 690240105
學位類別 碩士
語文別 中文
口試日期 2007-06-08
論文頁數 111頁
口試委員 指導教授-潘錫堂
委員-高孔廉
委員-徐瑜
中文關鍵字 私營企業主  市民社會  黨的建設  社團主義 
英文關鍵字 private entrepreneurs  civil society  party building  corporatism 
學科別分類 學科別社會科學區域研究
中文摘要 中國大陸企業家以往被視為階級敵人,且曾一度幾乎被清算絕跡,私營企業主重現,並成為一個重要且逐漸與經濟及政治等量齊觀的勢力,在中國大陸內外的決策者及學者間引起莫大的興趣。某些人認為私營企業主是中國大陸興起中的市民社會的先鋒,因為市民社會被認為是政治發展,特別是民主化過程中不可或缺的。在中國大陸,商業協會組織是在被允許成立的少數組織中可以有集體行為,而近年來顯示出,相關商業協會有時會在商業相關議題上以會員利益為主,以對抗國家的利益。另有些商業協會會要求得更多,諸如在經濟自由化中受益的人,會倡議政治民主化。因此,在中國大陸的私營企業主就會受到來自中國大陸內部及世界其他觀察家的注意,因為私營企業主在中國大陸與市民社會中的「批判領域」是潛在的變化因素。雖然私營企業主的政治觀點基本上與地方官員互通氣息,惟什麼能使其產生變化?什麼會使其改變對國家的忠誠,轉而與追求政治變革的市民社會中的「批判領域」互相合作?為避免私營企業主對國家忠誠的轉變,中共採取了雙軌策略,即運用社團主義,以連結國家及商業部門,及吸收私營企業主人黨。此一策略至目前為止,在先期阻止私營企業主要求提高自治權或公民權上尚算成功。無論中共未來能否持續此一策略,未來不是使私營企業主一直被限制在市民社會中的「非批判領域」,即是私營企業主以商業協會組織發起集體行動來強調其政治事務方面的要求。而私營企業主目前未以集體行動要求政治變革的事實,並無法否定他們的重要性或是其集體認同。就像其他國家,中國大陸的私營企業主主要關心的重點在商業利益,而非政治利益,因他們相信地方官員是他們遇到問題時的解決關鍵,此一看法就相當符合市場的動能會導致市民社會中「非批判領域」方面的形成的概念,對中國大陸而言,將從中受益而非帶來威脅。基本上來說,私營企業主不是中共本身問題的成因或解決方案,反諷的是,私營企業主是中共改革政策下的產物,然而私營企業主所帶來的經濟發展及成長並無法解除中共的執政危機。大部分觀察家認為,一個蓬勃發展的市場經濟是無法與一個列寧式政黨並存的,但中共的策略卻是要使兩者共存,而私營企業主的存在,突顯了中共改革政策的矛盾。
英文摘要 China’s entrepreneurs had previously been labeled class enemies and nearly persecuted into extinction. The re-emergence of private entrepreneurs as a significant and increasingly coherent economic and political force has generated much interest among policy makers and scholars inside and outside China. Some see entrepreneurs as the vanguard of an emerging civil society, which is seen by many as a necessary prerequisite for political development and democratization in particular. In China, the business associations are among the rare organizations available for collective action, and recent research suggests that these associations occasionally act on behalf of their members against the interests of the state, at least on business related issues. Others go even further, predicting that the same people who are promoting and benefiting from economic liberalization will also advocate political democratization.
China’s private entrepreneurs are therefore receiving increased attention-by outside observers and China’s leaders alike- because they are potential “king makers” between the state and the “critical realm” of civil society Although their political views are essentially compatible with local officials, what could make that change? The party has adopted the two-pronged strategy of creating corporatist links between the state and the business sector and co-opting individual entrepreneurs into the CCP. This strategy has been successful so far in pre-empting demands for increased autonomy or citizenship rights. Whether it will continue to be successful in the future may determine whether private entrepreneurs remain in the “non-critical realm” of civil society or use their organizations to promote collective action on behalf of overtly political issues. The fact that private entrepreneurs are not engaging in collective action for political reform does not negate their importance or collective identity. As in other countries, China’s entrepreneurs are focused primarily on business interests, rather than overtly political ones. They believe local officials are as much a part of the solution as they are part of the problem. This fits nicely with the idea that a market dynamic is leading to the formation of a non-critical sphere of civil society that is not necessarily a threat to the state, but is largely beneficial to it. Private entrepreneurs are neither the cause of nor the solution to the party’s problem. But private entrepreneurs are the product of the party’s reform policies and ironically proof of their success: the prosperity they enjoy was made possible because of the post-Mao reforms. Although private entrepreneurs contribute to the party’s goal of economic development, growth alone will not save the CCP. Most observers expect that a thriving market economy and a Leninist political system will inevitably prove to be incompatible, but the CCP’s strategy has been to try to make them coexist. Private entrepreneurs embody the contradictory elements of the party’s reform policies.
論文目次 第一章 緒論 1
第一節 研究動機與目的 2
第二節 基本概念之界定 3
第三節 研究途徑與方法 6
第四節 論文架構與安排 9
第五節 研究範圍與限制 10
第二章 理論的探索 12
第一節 處於改革的十字路口 12
第二節 列寧式政權的動能 15
第三節 市民社會的動能 23
第四節 國家-社會關係上社團主義的前景 30
第三章 改革年代黨的建設的挑戰 34
第一節 召收黨員標準的改變 34
第二節 吸收新黨員政策所帶來的可能結果 37
第三節 經濟改革對黨吸收新成員所產生的意外結果 41
第四節 地方黨的建設的實驗 52
第四章 新的制度上聯繫 59
第一節 新制度聯繫的理論與政治上的原型闡述 60
第二節 中國大陸內部的政黨適應社團主義的邏輯 62
第三節 中國大陸企業主及其組織 71
第五章 黨的建設的改革成效 76
第一節 私營企業主對中共的挑戰 76
第二節 中國大陸政治變革的前景 79
第六章 結論 85
第一節 研究發現 85
第二節 後續研究 91
參考書目 99
參考文獻 壹、中文部分:
一、書籍:
1. 王名、何建宇、劉國翰,中國社團改革—從政府選擇到社會選擇(北京:社會科學文獻出版社2001年12月)。
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二、期刊、專文:
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2. 「扎根合資企業發揮黨的政治優勢」,黨政論壇(上海),1999年10月。
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4. 「南通市以六種模式管理流動黨員」,黨建文匯(洛陽),1997年11月。
5. 「流動黨員社區管理問題探索」,特區理論與實現(深圳市),1999年7月
6. 「農村基層黨組織設置的探索與完善」,組織認識學研究(蘭州,1999年1月。
7. 「『雙向進入交叉人事』是一種有效的機制」,黨建研究(北京),1999年9月。
8. 「積極探索社會主義市場經濟條件下黨的領導實現形勢」,特區理論與實現(深圳市),1998年8月。
9. 「關於上海市川社縣農村基層黨組織建設狀況的調查」,黨建論壇(上海),1988年1月。
10. 甘藏春,市場經濟與政府角色的重塑(北京:中國經濟時報),2001年6月20日,第5版。
11. 李良江,「山西省的兩票制:隸屬村級黨書記到普選」,中國月刊(北京),第42期,1999年7月。
12. 李利曼,「共產黨70年黨員發展概略與啟示」,理論學習月刊(福州),1991年8月30日。
13. 李燕西,「試論黨員隊伍的數量控制」,學習與實現(武昌),1989年1月。
14. 佟萬民,「嚴格按照標準發展黨員」,海南日報(海口市),1991年7月。
15. 佟連祥與朱強,「關於外商獨資企業黨的建設」,探索:哲學版(重慶市),1995年6月。
16. 呂瑞豐、鍾英騰、徐立彬,「深圳市私營企業黨的建設問題與對策」,特區理論與實現(深圳市),1995年12月。
17. 相山及楊俊發,「關於在社會主義初級階段保持黨的先進性的思考」,社會科學戰線(長春),1999年2月。
18. 徐根義與程輝強,「確實加強外商獨資企業的黨建工作」,理論學刊(濟南),1995年2月。
19. 周玲華與鄭合富,「私營企業:黨建善後的原因及對策」,黨政論壇(上海),1995年1月。
20. 周鶴齡,「當前基層黨組織和黨員隊伍建設的幾個問題」,黨政論壇(上海),2000年4月。
21. 張明珠,「新情況、新變化、新趨勢:上海地區農村黨支部組織設置的調查」,黨政論壇(上海),1999年2月。
22. 張明珠,「現代化與農村黨組織設置的新變化」,上海黨市研究(上海),1999年。
23. 張祖樺,「怎樣在中國建立憲政民主體制」,當代中國研究(美國當代中國研究中心),1999年4月。
24. 黃由太與周豫平,「農村黨的建設與社會穩定」,湖湘論壇(長沙),1999年6月。
25. 黃俊,「開創農村黨建工作新局面」,理論與當代(貴陽市),1994年7月。
26. 陳邵逸,「對國有公司制企業堅持當官幹部原則的思考」,理論探討(哈爾濱),1999年2月。
27. 陳保恆與錢雨生,「農村改革與行政村黨的建設」,南通學刊(南通市),1999年4月。
28. 游龍波,「新時期福建沿海農村先進黨支部建設的成功經驗」,中共福建黨校學報(福州),1999年7月。
29. 梁燕輝與袁宜道,「鄉鎮企業轉制後黨的建設新辦法」,中國黨政幹部論壇(北京),1999年2月。
30. 梁顏嘉及李凱聖,「機關及事業單位黨員領導的調查和思考」,嶺南學刊(廣州),1994年元月。
31. 楊永明,「把農村黨建工作提高到新的水平」,黨建研究(北京),1994年7月。
32. 劉凱壽,「農村基層黨組織建設面臨的新情況和新問題」,探索(重慶),1999年3月。
33. 趙定國、王浩、徐代,「積極穩當地推進非國有之企業黨建工作」,紹興文理學院學報(紹興),1999年4月。
34. 裴敏欣,「遍地散佈在中國的民主化」,民主月刊,第6卷第4期,1995年10月。
35. 鍾珠尚,「農工基層黨組織現狀探析」,瞭望(北京),1990年1月。
36. 羅新明及吳建,「當官管幹部原則與經營者競爭上綱」,行政與認識(上海),1999年1月。
37. 鄭育聖,「對市場經濟條件下控制黨組織建設的五點建議」,求知(天津),1994年9月。
38. 龔凱金,「企業領導體制與黨書記在企業中的地位」,企業文明(重慶),1995年3月。
貳、英文部分:
一、書籍:
1. Almond, Gabriel and Verba. Sidney. eds., Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963).
2. Ash, Timothy Garton. The Uses of Adversity: Essays on the Fate of Central Europe (New York: Vintage, 1990).
3. Brook, Timothy and Michael B. Frolic. eds., Civil Society in China (Armonk NY: M. E. Sharp, 1997).
4. Chao, Chien-min and Bruce J. Dickson. Remaking the Chinese State: Strategies, Society, and Security (London and New York: Routledge, 2001).
5. Ch’i, His-sheng. Politics of Disillusionment: The Chinese Communist Party under Deng Xiaoping (Armonk NY: M. E. Sharp, 1991).
6. Dahl, Robert A. Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971).
7. Dickson, Bruce J. Democratization in China and Taiwan: The Adaptability of Leninist Parties (Oxford and New York: Oxford Press, 1977).
8. Etzioni Amitai. A Sociological Reader on Complex Organization (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1969).
9. Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto. eds., Dependency and Development in Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979).
10. Fewsmith, Joseph. Party, State, and Local Elites in Republican China: Merchant Organizations and Politics in Shanghai, 1890-1930 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985).
11. Goldman, Merle. China’s Intellectuals: Advise and Dissent (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).
12. Goldman, Merle. Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China: Political Reform in the Deng Xiaoping Era (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994).
13. Goldman, Merle and Roderick Mac Farquhar. eds., The Paradox of China’s Post-Mao Reforms (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).
14. Goodman, David S. G. and Beverly Hooper. eds., China’s Quiet Revolution: New Interactions between State and Society (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994).
15. Habermas, Jurgen. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989).
16. Hamrin, Carol Lee and Timothy Cheek. eds., China’s Establishment Intellectual (Armonk NY: M. E. Sharp, 1986).
17. He, Baogang. The Democratic Implications of Civil Society in China (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997).
18. Huntington, Samuel P. and Clement H. Moore. eds., Authoritarian Politics in Modern Society: The Dynamics of Established One-Party Systems (New York: Basic Books, 1970).
19. Huntington, Samuel P. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
20. Hu, Shaohua. Explaining Chinese Democratization (Westport CT: Praeger, 2000).
21. Inglehart, Rolnald. Modernization and Post-Modernization: Culture, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997).
22. Jia, Hao and Lin Zhimin. Changing Central-Local Relation in China (Boulder: Westview, 1994).
23. Johnson, Chalmers. Change in Communist Systems (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1970).
24. Jones, Leroy and Il Sakong. Government, Business, and Entrepreneurship in Economic Development (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,1980).
25. Jowitt, Ken. New World Disorder: The Leninist Extinction (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).
26. Lee, Hong Yung. From Revolutionary Cadres to Party Technocrats in Socialist China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
27. Li, Cheng. China’s Leader: The New Generation (Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001).
28. Lu Xiaobo and Elizabeth J.Perry. Danwei: The Changing Chinese Workplace in Historical and Comparative Perspective (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1997).
Manion, Melanie. Retirement of Revolutionaries in China: Public Policies, Social Norms, Private Interests (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
29. March, James G. and Johan P. Olsen. Rediscovering Institutions: The Organizational Basis for Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989).
30. Maxwell, Sylvia and Ben Ross Schneider. eds. Business and the State in Developing Countries (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997).
31. McCormic, Barrett L. and Unger, Jonathan. China after Socialism: In the Footsteps of Eastern Europe or East Asia (Armonk NY: M. E. Sharp, 1996).
32. Migdal, Joel S., Autl Kohli, and Vivienne Shue. eds., State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
33. O’Donnell, Guillermo andSchmitter, Philippe C. Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986).
34. Pearson, Margaret M. China’s New Business Elite: The Political Consequences of Economic Reform (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
35. Pfeffer, Jeffrey and Gerald R. Salanick. The External Control of Organization: A Resource Dependence Perspective (New York: Harper and Row, 1978).
36. Rankin, Mary Backus. Elite Activism and Political Transformation in China: Zhejiang Province, 1865-1911 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986).
37. Ravich, Samantha F. Marketization and Democracy: East Asian Experiences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
38. Scott, W. Richard. Organization: rational, Natural and Open Systems, 4th ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1998).
39. Rosenbaum, Arthur Lewis. State and Social in China: The Consequences of Reform (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992).
40. Rowe, William T. Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984).
41. Schmitter, Philippe C. and Gerhard Lehmbruch. eds., Trends towards Corporatist Intermediation (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1979)
42. Solinger, Dorothy J. Chinese Business under Socialism: The Politics of Domestic Commerce in Contemporary China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).
43. Strand, David. Rickshaw Beijing: City People and Politics in the 1920s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).
44. Tismaneanu, Vladimir. Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: The Free Press, 1992).
45. Wassertrom, Jeffrey N. and Elizabeth J Perry. eds., Popular Protest and Political Culture in Modern China (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992).
46. Weston, Timothy B. and Lionel M. Jensen. China beyond the Headlines (Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000).
47. White, Gordon. Jude Howell, and Shang Xiaoyuan. In Search of Civil Society: Market Reform and Social Chang in Contemporary China (Oxford UK: Oxford University Press, 1996).
48. Wiarda, Howard J. New Directions in Comparative Politics (Boulder: ,Westview Press, 1985).
49. Young, Susan. Private Business and Economic Reform in China (Armonk NY: M. E. Sharp, 1995).

二、期刊、專文
1. Liu, Junning. “Classical Liberalism Catches On In China,” Journal of Democracy, vol. 11, no. 3 (July 2000).
2. Li, Lianjiang and Kevin J. O’Brien. “Villagers and Popular Resistance in Contemporary China,” Modern China, vol. 22, no. 1 (January 1996).
3. Burkhart, Rose E. and Lewis-Beck, Michael A. “Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis,” American Political Science Review, vol. 88, no. 4 (December 1994).
4. Chamberlain, Heath B. “On the Search for Civil Society in China」,Modern China, vol. 19, no. 2 (April 1993).
5. Dickson, Bruce J. and Maria Rost Rublee. “Membership Has Its Privileges: The Scoioeconomic Characteristics Communist Party Members in Urban China,” Comparative Political Studies, vol. 33, no. 1 (February 2000).
6. Ding, Yijiang, “Corporatism and Civil Society in China: An Overview of the Debate in Recent Years,” China Information, vol. 12, no. 4 (Spring 1998).
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