系統識別號 | U0002-1007201510155000 |
---|---|
DOI | 10.6846/TKU.2015.00243 |
論文名稱(中文) | 美國政府保有天皇制度之決策過程 |
論文名稱(英文) | The Decision-Making of U.S. Government's Maintenance of Japanese Imperial System |
第三語言論文名稱 | |
校院名稱 | 淡江大學 |
系所名稱(中文) | 美洲研究所碩士班 |
系所名稱(英文) | Master's Program, Graduate Institute of the Americas |
外國學位學校名稱 | |
外國學位學院名稱 | |
外國學位研究所名稱 | |
學年度 | 103 |
學期 | 2 |
出版年 | 104 |
研究生(中文) | 陳乃菁 |
研究生(英文) | Nine-Ching Chen |
學號 | 699250162 |
學位類別 | 碩士 |
語言別 | 繁體中文 |
第二語言別 | |
口試日期 | 2015-06-22 |
論文頁數 | 129頁 |
口試委員 |
指導教授
-
陳一新
委員 - 劉曉鵬 委員 - 蔡增加 |
關鍵字(中) |
決策理論 日本天皇 |
關鍵字(英) |
Decision-Making Theory Japanese Imperial |
第三語言關鍵字 | |
學科別分類 | |
中文摘要 |
1945年世界二次大戰結束,同盟國在二戰中獲勝,卻也付出慘痛的代價。二戰後,美國不但願意幫助日本重建,還要保有日本裕仁天皇,此舉引發各國撻伐。美國內部亦燃起諸多反對聲浪,然經過政壇上的一番辯論,杜魯門總統最終決定保有日本天皇。本論文要旨便是要探討1945年美國保有日本天皇之因素與其決策過程。 1945年7月二戰進入尾聲之際,因著日本接連戰敗,美國總統杜魯門與英國首相邱吉爾(Winston Churchill)在柏林郊外波茨坦會議上便已開始討論戰後治理日本的計畫。在8月6日和9日,美國分別在廣島和長崎投下了兩枚原子彈,此事促使日本昭和天皇於8月10日緊急透過瑞典及瑞士政府向中、美、英、蘇四國照會接受波茨坦公告,不久後日本無條件投降。戰後美蘇二國開始對處理日本問題出現政治理念上的矛盾,美國亦開始尋找能夠箝制蘇聯的基地。日本正好位於亞洲東北隅,它的優越地理位置獲得美國青睞,美國便極力向同盟國爭取單獨管理日本的權利,經過一番努力,日本由盟國共同監管,而以美國取得主導權。 8月28日,駐日盟軍總司令麥克阿瑟將軍開始接管日本,並展開一系列重建日本的計畫。值此同時,遠東軍事法庭成立,其目的為審判戰敗國之相關罪犯,但日本天皇亦被歸為此類,他正等待著法庭的傳喚與審判。而正在此刻,美國政府決定幫助日本保有天皇,這樣做的目的係為取得日本國民的信任,以方便日後管理日本。 從理性行為者模式(Rational Actor Model)的觀點來看,華府堅持戰後應保有日本天皇是根據其派駐在日本的麥克阿瑟將軍,在日本所做的民意調查結果,此份調查顯示,天皇是維繫日本社會和諧不可或缺的一環。易言之,保有天皇可以穩定日本社會秩序,亦可利用與天皇友好而幫助美國更輕易地管理日本。而從組織行為者模式(Organizational Behavior Model)的角度來看,杜魯門總統在戰後對日本政策方面,顯然更信任戰爭部而非國務院。在戰後天皇存廢問題方面,當時負責處理遠東軍事事務的戰爭部比國務院更佔上風,亦是件自然不過的事,戰爭部遠比國務院擁有更多的戰後處理經驗,因此更得總統信任。而在此案例中,國務院與戰爭部對於保有天皇的觀點卻是不謀而合,因此少了雙方諜對諜的激烈鬥爭,但是從細部觀察,仍可窺見杜魯門總統在處理日本事物上顯然更依賴戰爭部。再從政府政治模式(Governmental Politics Model)觀之,副國務卿格魯(Joseph C. Grew, 1880-1965)為杜魯門總統所青睞,格魯曾任駐日大使,其精闢的對日見解,成為美國重建日本經濟與政治的藍圖;而戰爭部底下之遠東軍事總司令官麥克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)因為具備專業作戰知識與實地駐紮日本的經驗,其建言又比格魯更容易影響杜魯門的最終決策。儘管麥克阿瑟在後幾年的遠東處事立場上,逐漸與杜魯門產生矛盾,但在1945年面對日本天皇的存廢問題時,他們兩者的關係尚稱和睦。相形之下,國務卿貝爾納斯(Byrnes)雖是總統摯友卻無特殊專業軍事背景,因此無舉足輕重。此外,在規劃處理對日事務的案例中,麥克阿瑟確實比格魯與貝爾納斯又多一份經驗。另外,麥克阿瑟駐紮日本總攬大權,總是越級報告總統,因此他擁有更多接近總統的機會。以上因素促使杜魯門總統體認到,美國如能成功佔領日本並期望從中得益,領導日本成為一個「自由民主」 與一個「資本主義」的國家,將會符合美國利益,而幫助日本保有天皇又使美國得以從中獲利,因此他同意保有日本天皇的決策。 學生期望透過本論文使讀者更加瞭解美國在二戰後積極保有天皇制度的決策過程與考量因素,進而了解艾里遜決策理論三個模式之實用性。而在此論文撰寫之過程中,學生也發現,「美國保有天皇制度之決策過程」是美國身為一個個體,為維護自己的利益所做出知明智決策。 |
英文摘要 |
In the wake of the end of World War II in 1945, the United States and the Soviet Union, which were originally belonged to the same camp (Allies), have lost their common enemy—Japan. There were different political ideas between the two giant powers: the United States was a free and democratic country which led the democratic and free countries in the postwar years, whereas the Soviet Union was a Communist regime after World War II. The two superpowers keenly competed with each other in the military or technological dimensions. Japan’s destiny was uncertain after the World War II. At this point the United States actively strived for the leading authority to control Japan so that it could establish its dominant position in East Asia and closely monitor Soviet behaviors. As a result, the main purpose of this thesis is to understand the process of how and the reasons why the U.S. decided to retain the imperial system of Japan after the WW II. From the perspective of Rational Actor Model (RAM), this thesis finds that, during the war years, Grew, then undersecretary of State Department, advised President Harry S. Truman to retain Hirohito as a way to make a compromise with Japan, but the president did not agree with him. The main reason behind President Truman was that he demanded an unconditional surrender from Japan. When the World War II was over, Crew’s proposal was presented once again, but the president worried that once the decision of maintaining the imperial system was made, the mainstream opinions of the postwar world would be arisen against him. It was not until General MacArthur sent a telegram to inform the president, by saying “If you are not allowed to retain the emperor, then please you send another one million troops to support here.” It goes without saying that these impressive words made President Truman change his mind. As a result, the president decided to retain the Japanese emperor in order to maintain the interests of the United States and the lives of American soldiers. If a policy option can prove that it pays less and get more benefits, it will be much easily to be adopted. From the perspective of Organizational Behavior Model (OBM), President Truman was more likely to trust the Defense Department than the State Department because the military organization had more combat experience and expertise than the civilian organization. The president’s preference in this case demonstrates that the stronger capabilities an organization owns, the easier its views will be adopted. From the perspective of Government Political Model (GPM), it is quite clear that although the president has the final say in the decision-making process, an important official who have frequent access to the president will influence the judgment of the president. General MacArthur often reported to Truman directly regardless of the hierarchical red tape. In this way, he significantly increased the interaction between the president and him. It suggests that even the president has the final say, an official who has more action channels will get his way to have his policy option adopted. Personally I believe that the American stance in retaining the Imperial system was also significantly influenced by the attitude of the Japanese Imperial Palace Group (including the Emperor himself). In his memoirs, General MacArthur greatly praised Emperor Hirohito who in turn accommodated to the requests of the U.S. government. The benign interaction between the Japanese Emperor and the U.S. government demonstrate the strategic goals and motivations of the United States to retain the imperial system for Japan. Therefore, the main theme of this thesis is that the United States decided to retain the imperial system because it wanted to maintain its leading authority to control Japan so that it could not only establish its dominant position in East Asia but also closely monitor Soviet behaviors from the perspectives of RAM, OBM, and GPM. |
第三語言摘要 | |
論文目次 |
目錄 第一章 緒論…1 第一節 研究目的與主旨…4 第二節 研究方法與限制…6 第三節 文獻回顧…10 第四節 章節安排…13 第二章 理論架構與命題假設…15 第一節 理性行為模式及假設…16 第二節 組織行為模式及假設…21 第三節 政府政治模式及假設…25 第四節 小結…28 第三章 以理性模式驗證美國政府保留日本天皇之決策考量…31 第一節 二戰後的國際局勢影響…33 第二節 二戰後美國的決策考量…41 第三節 二戰後日本國內之情況與其策略…46 第四節 二戰後日本社會演變與對美態度…50 第五節 小結…55 第四章 以組織行為模式驗證杜魯門政府各組織對保留天皇之決策互動…57 第一節 美國國務院內部意見整合…59 第二節 遠東軍立場及麥帥觀點…72 第三節 日本皇宮組織之立場與考量…77 第四節 小結…82 第五章 以政府政治模式驗證美國保有日本天皇之決策過程…85 第一節 麥克阿瑟將軍…86 第二節 駐日大使格魯之立場…90 第三節 費勒斯淮將…93 第四節 日本主和派之親美作為…95 第五節 杜魯門總統之最終決策…105 第六節 小結…108 第六章 結論…111 參考書目…114 表目錄 表2-1美國保有日本天皇假設驗證一覽表…28 |
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Online Databases http://www.japan-101.com/history/japanese_instrument_of_surrender.htm http://www.ioc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/~worldjpn/documents/texts/docs/19450902.O1E.html http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/featured_documents/japanese_surrender_document/ http://www.ibiblio.org/hyperwar/PTO/Dip/Crane.html http://japanfocus.org/home |
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