自 1951 年 98 日在舊金山簽署以來, <日美安保> 已經經歷了 70 年. 本論文的主旨 在於回顧美國與日本在<美日安保>中分別扮演的角色, 以及在亞太進而至全球安全環 境劇變的當下,檢證作者何以認為不僅應該持續維繋 <日美安保> 的存在, 同時更應該 進一步加強。
事實上,<日美安保>會在 1960 年作出修訂,但距今亦已經經過 60 年,同時兩國所存在 的安全環境業已有相當改變; 因此,兩國對現有的條約或許已感到不足,而作者也相信已 經到了再次修訂之時。
美國方面,總統川普會多次批評<日美安保>對美國而言不具備公平性,並要求日方要 提高駐日美軍的支付的經費,更甚者,川普進一步提出相較於仰賴美國所提供的核保護傘, 日本更應具備自身的核子武器以提高自身防衛能力。
另一方面,日本有越來越多的人民開始回頭檢視<日美安保>是否能相對公正的反應 日本的國家利益, 例如根據<行政協定>和駐日美軍經費負擔(HNS: Host Nation Support), 美國得以在日本境內例如沖繩等地駐紮軍隊並且由日方支付相關經費等。
據了解,逐漸有日本人民亦提出日本應自身的核武以及彈道飛彈以與朝鮮與中國抗 衡。
在此論文中,作者檢證了日美雙方在整個亞太地區進而全球的安全環境中. 可能可 以採用的各種安全體系,不僅維繫兩國安全,更甚者維護亞太進而世界的和平. 但遺憾的 是,除了<日美安保>以外,似乎難以找到更具體有成效的理想安全政策.因此,日美雙方不 得不竭力加強雙邊合作以解決既有問題並滿足雙邊利益。
作者透過國際關係理論中,亞力山大溫特的<建構主義途徑>檢證<日美安保>間的問 題,同時透過思想與信仰對於全球政治的影響,驗證了<建構主義>可以超越物質現實。

The purpose of this dissertation is to look back on the roles the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty has played since the treat was signed on 8 September 1951 in San Francisco for about 70 years and to explain my opinion why Japan and the United States should maintain and enhance the treaty in order to take measures against the rapidly and greatly changing security environments not only in the Asia-Pacific region but also in the world.
In fact, the treaty was once revised in 1960, but about 60 years have already passed since then. And the circumstances of the two countries and the situations surrounding Japan has greatly changed. Therefore, both the countries have come to feel dissatisfied with the contents of the existing treaty. Indeed, I believe that the second revision time of the treaty has already arrived. As to the United States, President Donald Trump has often criticized the inequality of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States and requests Japan to tremendously increase the burden rate of the cost for U.S. military forces stationing in Japan. In addition, he even suggests that Japan should go nuclear so that the United States may not protect Japan under the U.S. Nuclear Umbrella.
On the other hand, many Japanese people have begun to ask whether the contents of the treaty are impartial for the benefits of Japan, for example regarding the Japan-U.S. Status Forces of Agreement, Japan’s Host Nation Support for the U.S. troops in Japan, U.S. military bases concentration on Okinawa and so on.
As a matter of fact, I have heard some Japanese insist that Japan also should have nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles in order to compete with North Korea and China.
In fact, in this dissertation I have taken up and examined various security systems that Japan and the United States can adopt to maintain the peace and security not only for both the countries but also for the Asia-Pacific region. However, to my regret, I could not find any effective and ideal type of security policy except the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Therefore, Japan and the United States seem to have no choice but to make their best efforts to enhance the Alliance by solving every irrational problems to the satisfaction of the two countries.
I have tried to examine the problems of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty referring to Alexander Wendt’s Social Constructivist perspectives in the International Relations Theory. He demonstrates that constructivists go beyond the material reality by including the effects of ideas and beliefs on world politics.

Acknowledgement i
Abstract (Chinese) iii
Abstract (English) iv
List of Tables, Maps, Figure and Photo xi

Chapter I Introduction 1 
1. Research background 1 
2. Research motives and objectives 2 
3. Research theory 12 
4. Brief guidance of significant research subjects of each chapter 45

Chapter II Researches of Controversial Problems of The Japan-U.S. Alliance 59
1. In order to make clear the concrete differences between the Old Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and the New Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, the author decided to show below the original texts of both the two security treaties even though it may not be a common thesis-writing method 59
2. The differences between The Old Japan-U.S. security treaty and The New Japan-U.S. Security Treaty 63
3. Political streams from The Old Japan-U.S. Security to The New Japan-U.S. Security Treaty 66
4. Conclusion 71

Chapter III Various Problems Concerning The Japan-U.S. Security Treaty 76
1. Problems on Japan’s host nation support for the problems U.S. Military Forces stationing in Japan 76
2. The status of forces agreement 92
3. Japan-United States Security Consultative Committee (SCC) 108
4. Characteristics of the revised 2015 guidelines for Japan-U.S. defense cooperation 110
5. Ministry of foreign affairs of Japan’s Comment on Japan-U.S. Security Consultative Committee 2019 (SCC) 112
6. U.S. Forces in Japan 114
7. An expert’s view on “2+2” SCC meeting 2019 114
8. Overview of Security Sub-Committee (SCC) and Sub-Committee for Defense Cooperation (SDC) 117
9. Transition of Security Consultative Committee (SCC) and Sub Committee for Defense Cooperation (SDC) 121
10. Prior consultation with secret agreement of Japan-U.S. security alliance 126
11. A brief historical view on the Japan-U.S. alliance from Japanese perspectives 133
12. American Views on the Japan-U.S. Alliance 138
13. Conclusion 142

Chapter IV Stationing of The U.S. Forces in Japan and Its Impact on the Security of Asia-Pacific Region 143
1. Significate of Japan-U.S. alliance during the cold war era 143
2. Current security environment in The Far East (after 1991) 146
3.The rise of China: Changes of security environments in The Far East (2012-present) 152
4. The South China Sea Disputes 159
5. What does Nine-Dash Line mean? 165
6. Photos reveal China’s Artificial-Island construction in The South China Sea 167
7. Taiwan Strait Crisis 175
8. The East China Sea Disputes 183
9. The United Nations convention on the law of the sea 187
10. Conclusion 206

Chapter V North Korea’s Nuclear Weapons and Missiles Development 209
1. North Korea’s security threats 209
2. North Korea’s current military strength 216
3. History of North Korea’s nuclear development 221
4. Conclusion 250

Chapter VI Researches on Japan’s National Defense Policy Revealed in National Defense of Japan 2018 (Annual White Paper 防衛白書 2018)
1. Summarization of defense of Japan 18 (Annual white paper) 255
2. Defense policies of countries (Chapter 2, p.53) 257
3. Trends in cyberspace (Chapter 3, p.201) 271
4. Outline of The National Security Strategy (Chapter 1, p.216) 273
5. The National Defense Program Guidelines (Chapter 2, p.218) 274
6. Establishment on the Legislation for Peace and Security, and SDF Activities Following the Enactment (Chapter 3, p.234)
276
7. The Japan-U.S. Security Arrangement (Chapter 4, P.258) 279
8. Part III Initiative to protect the lives and property of the people as well as securing the territorial land water and airspace (Chapter 1, p.309) 283
9. Human foundation and organization that support the defense force, and active participation of female personnel (Chapter 3. P.391) 290
10. Measures on defense equipment and technology (Chapter 4, p.407) 293
11. Interaction with local communities and Japanese citizens (Chapter 5, p.431) 295
12. The substance of Japan’s New National Defense Program Guidelines (日本 防衛計画大綱の骨子)
13. Concentration of U.S. Military Bases on Okinawa 298
14. The author’s analysis (Conclusion) 299

Chapter VII Subtle Japan-U.S. Situations Before the Reversion of Okinawa to Japan 302
1. If the reversion negotiations fell through, the security treaty with Japan might not be renewed by the Japanese 302
2. The key negotiations were Intra-U.S. government 305
3. “The United States felt that we were giving up an awful lot of property” 306
6. “We are not assembled here today to argue whether the president has made a wise and useful decision. We are assembled here today to determine how to get the president’s treaty for him” 311
7. “Our continued government there made U.S. look like imperialists” 313
8. Transition of U.S. military problems after the reversion of Okinawa to Japan 314
9. “Secret” 1965 Memo Reveals Plans to Keep U.S. Bases and Nuclear Weapons Options in Okinawa After Reversion
340
10. Conclusion 345

Chapter VIII The Japan’s Foreign Policy and Security Policy After World War II and Its Economic Miracle 348
1. The Yoshida Line and The Yoshida Doctrine 348
2. From Yoshida Doctrine to Abe Doctrine 349
3. Shinzo Abe’s unfinished family mission 350
4. The origins and ideological drivers of The Abe Doctrine 353
5. Japan’s National Security Policy Under Abe 360
6. The Abe Doctrine and Japan -U.S. Alliance Relations 367
7. Japan’s Relations Under Abe With China, The Korea Peninsula and ASEAN 370
8. 1,760,000 Supporters of the Japanese Peace Constitution Ask Prime Minister Not to Change Article 9
9. America’s Role in the Making of Japan’s Economic Miracle 376
10. Conclusion 385

Chapter IX Japan’s 3 Big Territorial Disputes 391
1. The northern territorial dispute between Japan and Russia 391
2. Liancourt rocks dispute between Japan and South Korea 401
3. Senkaku Islands dispute 415
4. Conclusion 431

Chapter X General Conclusion 434
1. Historical views of the Japan-U.S. security treaty 434
2. Problems to be solved for maintenance of the Japan-U.S. alliance 435
3. How to Relocate Okinawa’s U.S. Military Forces Outside Okinawa 443
4. Japan’s Host Nation Support (HNS) for The U.S. Troops Stationing in Japan 447
5. The Concrete Ways to Make The Alliance More Satisfactory to Both Countries
449 6. Proposals That Japan Should Establish Its own Security System 459
7. General Conclusion 487

BIBLIOGRAPHY 489

APPENDIX 505


List of Tables, Maps, Figure and Photo
Map I-1 China’s New Defence Zone in the East China.Sea 3
Map I-2 Territorial seas of Japan is about 430,000km2 4
Figure I-1 Research Framework 11
Figure I-2 (A)Alex Wendt’s Map of International Theory (B)Constructivism’s Middle Ground 27
Map II -1 The range of “Far East” in “Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States of America”60
Photo II-1 Rioting leftist Zengakuren and police do battle outside the Diet (Parliament) Building in Tokyo during protests against pro-American Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi on June 15, 1960 71
Table Ⅲ-1 Each US ally’s burden rate of the cost for US Forces stationing in each country as of 2002  84
Table Ⅲ-2: Military Facilities Exclusively Used by U.S. Forces Size Percentage by Prefecture (Jan. 1, 2010) 89
Table Ⅲ-3 Comparison of Japan-US SOFA and German and Italian agreements with the U.S. 106
Figure Ⅲ-1 Japan-U.S. Consultative Committee (SCC) 109
Map Ⅲ-1: The Sea of Okhotsk is a northwestern arm of the Pacific Ocean 136
Map Ⅲ-2: Strait between Hokkaido (upper) and Honshu (lower) 139
Map IV -1 Kurile Islands 144
Map IV-2 Kurile Islands 145
Map IV-3 Why the South China Sea is contentious 166
Photo IV-1 Why the South China Sea is contentious2: Aerial photo shows Chinese cargo vessels building materials to Zamora Reef in the disputed Spratly Islands. A two-mile runway has been uilt on the reclaimed coral atoll. 168
Photo IV-2 Observation towers and radomes can also be seen in the photos. Fiery Cross Reef is home to a runway, barracks and greenhouses to grow food for Chinese troops. 168
Photo IV-3 Missile launch pads and gun emplacements have previously been seen in satellite images. 172
Photo IV-4 Hughes Reef 173
Photo IV-5: Johnson Reef 174
Table IV-1 China-Taiwan Trade 181
Map IV-4 Counter-coercion series: East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone 185
Figure IV-1 Limits of Maritime Zones 193
Figure V-1 North Korea’s high altitude tests 209
Figure V-2 Possible range 210
Figure V-3 US forces around North Korea 210
Figure V-4 What missiles does North Korea have? 212
Figure V-5 North Korean rockets flown over the Japanese archipelago 213
Table V-1 North Korea’s Missile Launches 213
Figure VI -1 North Korea’s Ballistic missiles 262
Table VI -1 Changes in the Number of Modern Fighter Aircraft of China and Taiwan 266
Map VI -1 Location and Strength of Russian Military 268
Table VI-2 Location and Strength of Russian Military 269
Table VI -3 Framework for the Activities of SDF 277
Table VI -4 Number and Breakdown of Scrambles since the Cold War 285
Photo VI-1 Launch of X-Band Defense Communications Satellite 287
Photo VI -2 Japan to Convert Izumo-Class into F-35-Carrying Aircraft Carrier 297
Figure VII -1 The System of the United States Forces Stationed in Japan 322
Table VII -1 The Arrangement of the US Forces Stationed in Japan 323
Table VII -2 The List of the U.S. Military Bases in Japan 324
Table VII -3 Three Key Factors in the Okinawa Economy 331
Map VIII -1 Manchuguo 351
Map VIII -2 Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere 354
Photo VIII -1 Tokyo War Crimes Trial 355
Photo VIII -2 Yasukuni Shrine（靖国神社） 357
Photo VIII -3 Mount Koya (UNESCO World Heritage Site) 359
Photo VIII -4 Futenma: The most dangerous base in the world 369
Table VIII -1: Growth in Real Per Capita GDP in Japan, Britain, and the US, 1870-2008 (Natural log of per capita GDP in 1990 international GearyKhamis dollars) 378
Photo VIII -5 Tokyo 1960: Days of Rage & Grief 384
Map IX -1 The Northern Territories 392
Table IX -1 Summary of main developments since the 1956 joint declaration 399
Map IX -2 Japan’s consistent position on territorial sovereignty over Takeshima 405
Map IX -3 Syngman Rhee Line 413
Photo IX -1 Takeshima Islands 413
Map IX -4 Location of Senkaku Islands 416
Photo IX -2 Senkaku Islands 417
Photo IX -3 Japan protests Chinese survey ship operating near Okinotorishima atoll, a small but vital piece in Tokyo’s maritime territory claims 432
Map X-1 Maps of US Military Bases in Okinawa 436
Photo X-1 Reclamation work continues off Henoko point in Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to build a new U.S. military facility 438
Map X-2 Okinawa’s Strategic Location 442
Table X-1 Global stockpiles of separated plutonium (as of the end of 2016) 463
Photo X-2 Suitcase Nuclear Device, H-912 transport container for Mk-54 SADM 469
Photo X-3 Pershing II Weapon System 472
Photo X-4 WS51200 during the North Korea 2013, Victory Day 475

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46. 日本、防衛白書 2018 年版を公表 その基本姿勢
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50. North Korea Withdraws from Six-Party Nuclear Talks
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51. One China, Five Interpretations
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52. One Pleads Guilty to Okinawa Rape: 2 Others Admit Role – The New York Times
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53. People Power: Have Okinawan protests forced Tokyo and Washington to rethink their base
plan? | The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus
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54. Relevance of the Yoshida Doctrine in current U.S.-Japan – Japan Today
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55. Rethinking the Early Years of the US-Japan Alliance and Soviet Competition | The
Diplomat
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56. Russia’s Military Receives Additional New S-400 Long-Range Air Defense Regiment |
The Diplomat
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57. San Francisco Peace Treaty
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58. “Secret” 1965 Memo Reveals Plans to Keep U.S. Bases and Nuclear Weapons Options in
Okinawa After Reversion 1965 | The Asia-Pacific Journal
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59. Senkaku Islands Q&A | Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
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60. 新防衛大綱骨子案“AI で無人化の装備品配備”など盛り込む | NHK ニュース
https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20181120/k10011717621000.html
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61. Steel Tariff News: Are Trump Policies On a Collision Path with Xi Jinping’s China? | St…
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62. Taiwan’s protesters are fighting for the very democracy of the island | American Institute
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64. Tensions in the East China Sea
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65. The Arc of Peace and Prosperity in the Indo-Pacific Region | The Indo-Pacific Axis | Taylor
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Newspaper Reports (新聞報道)
1. 毎日新聞 2017 年 11 月 6 日（月）
(a) 北朝鮮問題や通商議論 トランプ大統領来日、首相と会談
(b) 「日本は重要な同盟国」 トランプ大統領来日、首相と会談
2. 毎日新聞 2017 年 11 月 7 日（火）
(a) 日米首脳 北朝鮮に最大限の圧力 インド太平洋戦略確認
(b) 拉致解決へ支援表明 トランプ氏早紀江さんらに
(c) トランプ氏歴訪 韓国大統領板挟み 対北朝鮮圧力か対話か
3. 毎日新聞 2017 年 11 月 8 日（水）
(a) 米韓も「最大限圧力」 首脳会談 対北朝鮮で一致
(b) 韓国、苦渋の対米協調 首脳会談 度重なる挑発、対話封印
4. 毎日新聞 2017 年 11 月 9 日（木）
(a) 対北朝鮮圧力協力模索 米中首脳が会談
(b) 社説 (Editorial): トランプ氏の韓国国会演説 核放棄を.迫る強い警告だ
(c) 韓国国会演説 米大統領「核の脅迫許さぬ」 対北朝鮮国際協調訴え
5. 毎日新聞 2017 年 11 月 10 日（金）
(a) 社説（Editorial） トランプ・習近平会談 非核化への責任を果たせ
(b) 協調アピール本音は 米中首脳会談 トランプ氏－目先の成果渇望習氏-長期戦略に重点
(c) 米に 28 兆円「お土産」 貿易摩擦も解消遠く
(d) 制裁下続く攻防 北朝鮮アジアで稼ぐ
6. 毎日新聞 2017 年 11 月 11 日（土）
対北朝鮮で緊密連携 日露首脳会談 北方領土経済協議へ
7. 毎日新聞 2017 年 11 月 12 日（日）
APEC 米をけん制 首脳宣言 「保護主義と闘う」
8. 毎日新聞 2018 年 10 月 30 日（火）
日印、安保協力確認、首脳会談-第三国の開発援助も
9. 毎日新聞 2019 年 11 月 17 日（日）
米、思いやり予算４倍要求 前大統領補佐官 7 月日本側に 米誌報道
10. 毎日新聞 2019 年 12 月 23 日（月）
辺野古本体工期 10 年 普天間返還 30 年代にずれ込み
11. 毎日新聞 2019 年 12 月 26 日（木）
(a) 辺野古移設 30 年以降 防衛省見通し普天間返還遅れ
(b) 沖縄核再持ち込み「ない」極秘公電 元米高官 69 年発言 密約の必要性に疑問符
12. 毎日新聞 2019 年 12 月 28 日（土）
海自中東派遣決定 1 年間情報収集を強化
13. 毎日新聞 2020 年 1 月 3 日（金）
中国沿岸に地対艦嘀サイル 尖閣侵入の公船と連携
14. 毎日新聞 2020 年 4 月 14 日（火）
日本に中距離弾 現実味
米露両国による中距離核戦力（INF）全廃条約の失効を受け、日米両政府は中距離嘀サイルの日本配備の可能性を巡って水面下で協議している。日本政府内では米国が配備する案のほかに、日本が保有する案も論議されているという。
15. 毎日新聞 2020 年 6 月 13 日（土）
辺野古工事再開、沖縄知事「遺憾」防衛省沖縄防衛局は 12 日、工事関係者に新型コロナウイルス感染者が出たために中断していた米軍普天間飛行場（沖縄県宜野湾市）の名護市辺野古への移設工事を約 2 カ月ぶりに再開し、埋め立て予定海域に土砂を投入した。
16. 毎日新聞 2020 年 6 月 23 日（火）
39 知事「見直し必要」
米軍に国内法適用求め 1960 年に改定された日米安全保障条約と、これに基づき在日米軍の法的地位や基地の管理・運用を定めた日米地位協定は、23 日で発効から 60 年を迎えた。毎日新聞が４７都道府県の知事に地位協定見直しの要否を尋ねたところ、8 割を超える 39 人が「見直す必要がある」と回答した。活動に日本の国内法が適用されないなど在日米軍に大きな特権を認めた協定に対し、多くの地方自治体が疑問を抱いている実態が浮かんだ。
17. 毎日新聞 2020 年 6 月 24 日（水）
社説：日米地位協定 60 年 改定の協議を始める時だ
現在の日米安全保障条約と、在日米軍の法的地位や基地の運用などを定めた日米地位協定の発効から 60 年を迎えた。条約に基づき、米国は日本を防衛する義務を負う。代わりに、日本は米軍に基地などの施設や区域を提供する。それが日米安保体制の中核である。米国は、在日米軍基地をインド太平洋地域ににらみを利かせるための戦略拠点にしてきた。一方、日本にとって、基地の存在は抑止力になってきた。ただ、日米地位協定は在日米軍に多くの特権を認めている。日本側の負担は重く、受け入れられないレベルに達している。
18. 毎日新聞 2020 年 6 月 25 日（木）
安保戦略見直しへ 陸上イージス代替案協議
政府は 24 日、首相官邸で国家安全保障会議（NSC）の関係閣僚会議を開き、陸上配備型迎撃嘀サイルシステ嘁「イージス・アショア」の配備計画を停止したことを受け、代替案の協議を始めた。現行の配備計画は代替の嘀サイル防衛手段の方向性を見極めたうえで正式に撤回する。嘀サイル防衛のあり方を含め、外交・安全保障基本方針「国家安全保障戦略」の見直しに事実上着手した形で、年内の改定を目指す。
19. 毎日新聞 2020 年 8 月 4 日（火）
対中包囲網 困惑と思惑
先鋭化する米国と中国の対立は、安全保障や経済の面で両国と関係の深い日本や東南アジア各国を困惑させている。 日本は日米同盟を基軸としながら、中国とも協調する従来方針を維持する「両にらみ」の外交戦略を描いてきた。だが、米中対立が互いに総領事館を閉鎖し合うなど「極めて異例なレベル」（外務省幹部）まで激化する中、徐々に米国寄りの立場を取らざるを得なくなっている。
20. 毎日新聞 2020 年 8 月 9 日（日）
「敵基地攻撃能力」保有検討
北朝鮮などが開発を進める嘀サイルの脅威に対し、政府が「敵基地攻撃能力」保有の検討を本格化します。日本が敵基地攻撃能力を保有することになれば防衛政策は大きく転換し、憲法や従来の専守防衛理念との整合性も問われることになります。
憲法逸脱懸念 自民にも慎重論
Q 敵基地攻撃能力の保有に問題はないの？ A 日本政府が敵基地攻撃能力を保有してこなかったのは、日米安全保障条約に基づく日本が「盾」で米国が「矛」という役割分担や専守防衛の理念から、他国の領域での攻撃を想定しなかったためです。その方針を転換し保有すれば、武力行使を放棄した憲法 9 条や自衛のための「必要最小限度」の範囲を逸脱する懸念はあります。自民党内でも「専守防衛の考えの下で、攻撃型の装備を持たないという方針の大転換に慎重な議論が必要だ」（岩屋毅前防衛相）などの意見があります。
21. 毎日新聞 2020 年 8 月 29 日（日）
安倍首相辞任表明
安倍晋三首相（65）は 28 日、首相官邸で記者会見し、辞任する意向を表明した。持病の潰瘍性大腸炎が再発したと明らかにした上で「国民の負託に自信をもって応えられる状態でなくなった」と説明し、「職を辞することとする」と述べた。新型コロナウイルス対応のさなかの辞任表明に「国民の皆様に心より、心よりおわびを申し上げる」と陳謝した。首相は第一次政権時、2007 年 7 月の参院選で大敗後に潰瘍性大腸炎が悪化し、約 1 年で退陣した。12 年 12 月に首相に返り咲き、経済政策「ア b べノ嘀クス」を推進。13 年特定秘密保護法、15 年に集団的自衛権の行使を可能とする安全保障関連法を成立させた。消費税は 14 年 4 月に８％に、19 年 10 月に 10％に引き上げた。第一次政権と合わせた首相の通算在任日数は、19 年 11 月に最長記録を更新し、28 日で 3169 日だった。
22. 毎日新聞 2020 年 9 月 17 日（木）
菅内閣発足
第 202 臨時国会が 16 日召集され、衆参両院の本会議での首相指名選挙で、自民党の菅義偉総裁(71)が第 99 代首相に選出された。午後 6 時前からの皇居での首相任命式と閣僚の認証式を経て、公明党との連立による管内閣が発足した。午後時から首相官邸で記者会見した菅新首相は「行政の縦割り、既得権益、あしき前例主義を打ち破って規制改革を全力で進める。国民のために働く内閣を作り、期待に応えていきたい」と決意を述べた。「安倍政権の取り組みを継承し、前に進めていくことが私の使命だ。経済再生は引き続き最重要課題。アベノ嘀クスを継承し、一層の改革を進めると」と語り、新型コロナウイルス感染症について「今取り組むべき最優先の課題」と述べた。