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系統識別號 U0002-0901202000513500
中文論文名稱 美中在印太地緣戰略競逐對地區影響之研究—新古典現實主義的觀點
英文論文名稱 The Geostrategic Competition between U.S. and China in Indo-pacific Region: A Neoclassical Realism Perspective
校院名稱 淡江大學
系所名稱(中) 國際事務與戰略研究所博士班
系所名稱(英) Graduate Institute of International Affairs and Strategic Studies
學年度 108
學期 1
出版年 109
研究生中文姓名 呂光耀
研究生英文姓名 Kuang-Yao Lu
學號 804330016
學位類別 博士
語文別 中文
口試日期 2020-01-03
論文頁數 286頁
口試委員 指導教授-莫大華
委員-羅至美
委員-張延廷
委員-郭雪真
委員-李大中
中文關鍵字 印太戰略  一帶一路  地緣戰略競逐  新古典現實主義 
英文關鍵字 Indo-Pacific Strategy  One Belt One Road  Geostrategic Competition  Neoclassical Realism 
學科別分類
中文摘要 2017年11月美國川普總統首次訪問亞洲,提出「自由開放印太願景」(Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision),將美國在亞太的地緣戰略利益拓展到印太,藉以制衡中國國家主席習近平2013年提出的「絲綢之路經濟帶」與「21世紀海上絲綢之路」倡議,美中在印太地區的戰略競逐於焉成形。區域國家面對美中的戰略競逐,多力求避免陷入選邊或聯盟困境,以維護最大國家利益;但臺灣囿於錯綜複雜的美中臺及兩岸關係,而更難在美中之間取得平衡。
本研究透過新古典現實主義途徑,從國際體系、國內政治及決策者因素,並結合制衡、避險、扈從等地緣戰略選項,綜合分析地區國家及臺灣面對美中地緣戰略競逐的因應策略與作為。研究發現,美中基於緊密的雙邊經貿關係及全球議題合作需求,即使在美國總統川普及中國國家主席習近平等強人主政下,仍維持可控的競爭關係;但美中日益突出的競爭壓力,則加大地區國家的選邊與聯盟困境,臺灣更多了兩岸關係困境,以致挑戰更鉅。惟面對美中在印太地區競逐的高度不確定性,雙向動態平衡的避險戰略仍是較佳的地緣戰略選擇。
英文摘要 In November 2017, U. S. President Donald Trump visited Asia for the first time and proposed “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision” to expand the US geostrategic interests in Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific. The Vision is aiming to counterbalance the “Silk Road Economic Belt” and the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” initiative, proposed by the Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. The geostrategic competition between U.S. and China has formed ever since. Most of the countries in the region are using “hedging” approach to avoid the dilemma of choosing sides or alliances and better preserve their national interests. However, it is harder for Taiwan to take such an approach given the complexity of cross-Strait and U.S.-China-Taiwan relationship.
This study uses neo-classical realism as approach to comprehensively analyze the response strategies of regional countries and Taiwan to the geostrategic competition between the United States and China from the international system, domestic politics, and decision-maker factors, combined with geostrategic options such as balancing, hedging, and bandwagoning. The study found that based on the close bilateral economic and trade relations and the need for cooperation on global issues, the United States and China still maintain a controllable competitive relationship even under the strong presidency of the U.S. President Donald Trump and the Chinese President Xi Jinping. However, increasing competition pressures between the United States and China has accumulated the dilemma of choosing sides or alliances among regional countries, and Taiwan’s challenges are even greater given the complexity of cross-strait relations. However, in the face of the high degree of uncertainty in the US-China race in the Indo-Pacific region, a two-way dynamic hedging strategy is still a better geostrategic option for Taiwan.
論文目次 目次
第壹章 緒論 1
第一節 研究動機與目的 1
第二節 研究途徑與方法 4
第三節 研究範圍與限制 6
第四節 文獻探討 10
第五節 研究架構 29
第貳章 美國「印太戰略」的地緣戰略分析 32
第一節 決策者層次分析:從歐巴馬到川普的地緣戰略 34
第二節 國內層次與國際體系層次分析:美國「印太戰略」的內涵 44
第三節 地緣戰略類型分析:美國推動「印太戰略」重要作為 63
第四節 小結 90
第參章 中國「21世紀海上絲綢之路」的地緣戰略分析 94
第一節 決策者層次分析:從胡錦濤到習近平的地緣戰略觀 98
第二節 國內層次與國際層次分析:21世紀海上絲綢之路的內涵 104
第三節 地緣戰略類型分析:推動21世紀海上絲綢之路的重要作為 117
第四節 小結 130
第肆章 地區國家對美中印太競逐的影響與回應 137
第一節 日本、澳大利亞 137
第二節 印度、東協 154
第三節 美中地緣戰略競逐對地區國家的影響 179
第四節 小結 192
第伍章 美中印太競逐對臺灣之影響及其回應 197
第一節 決策者層次分析:臺灣對「印太戰略」與「一帶一路」的回應 198
第二節 國內層次與國際層次分析:臺美印太合作的機遇與挑戰 202
第三節 地緣戰略類型分析:三重困境與動態平衡的戰略選擇 212
第四節 小結 216
第陸章 結論 222
參考文獻 233
中文資料 233
外文資料 257


圖目錄
圖 1 1 「印太戰略」與「一帶一路」地緣戰略競爭示意圖 9
圖 1 2 新古典現實主義的理論架構 19
圖 1 3 研究架構圖 31
圖 2 1 美國印太司令部轄管範圍 42
圖 2 2 美國對中國的地緣戰略光譜 87
圖 3 1 一帶一路示意圖 103
圖 3 2 吉布地位置圖 125
圖 3 3 巴布亞紐幾內亞馬努斯島深水港示意圖 126
圖 3 4 中國對美國的地緣戰略光譜 128
圖 4 1 一帶一路」及相關建設示意圖 165
圖 4 2 中泰鐵路示意圖 176
圖 4 3 各國對印太戰略的態度 185
圖 4 4 印太主要地區國家對美國的地緣戰略光譜 194
圖 4 5 印太主要地區國家對中國的地緣戰略光譜 195
圖 5 1 「新南向政策」推動藍圖 205
圖 5 2 臺灣的三重困境與動態平衡 212
圖 5 3 臺灣對美中的地緣戰略光譜 213
表目錄
表 1 1 新古典現實主義對外交政策的分類 20
表 1 2 制衡、扈從、避險策略之對比 22
表 1 3 避險戰略示意表 23
表 2 1 美國在亞太主要貿易夥伴 36
表 2 2 美國在亞太的集體防衛安排 37
表 2 3 美國「亞太再平衡戰略」與「印太戰略」比較表 43
表 2 4 川普與歐巴馬政府維繫美國霸權利益作法比較 43
表 2 5 美國與環太平洋地區貿易統計(2017-2018) 64
表 2 6 東協前10大投資國/地區(2016-2017) 65
表 2 7 美軍在南海周邊執行航行自由任務要況(2017-2019) 73
表 2 8 美艦穿越臺海要況(2018-2019) 74
表 2 9 美軍與印太安全夥伴聯合軍演要況(2017-2019) 76
表 2 10 美國與主要印太合作夥伴對話要況(2017-2019) 81
表 3 1 「一帶一路」國別合作前10名情況 122
表 3 2 2017年「一帶一路」前10大貿易夥伴 122
表 4 1 日本前5大貿易夥伴 139
表 4 2 2017年澳大利亞前5大貿易夥伴 153
表 4 3 印度前5大貿易夥伴 156
表 4 4 印尼前5大貿易夥伴 171
表 4 5 泰國前5大貿易夥伴 171
表 4 6 菲律賓前5大貿易夥伴 172
表 4 7 馬來西亞前5大貿易夥伴 172
表 4 8 新加坡前5大貿易夥伴 172
表 5 1 馬、蔡政府對美中實質關係發展對照(2008-2019) 218
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高長,2017。〈大陸倡議『一帶一路』的政治經濟分析〉,《展望與探索》,第15 卷第6 期,頁 52-70。
張小明,2011年。〈東亞共同體建設:歷史模式與秩序觀念〉,《世界經濟與政治論壇》,第1期,頁37-47。
張小穩,2008/12。〈和諧世界理念下的中國新地緣戰略〉,《學術探索》,第 6期,頁15-19。
張立、李坪,2016。〈印度對“一帶一路”的認知與中國的應對〉,《南亞研究季刊》,2016年第1期,頁18-23。
張宇權、洪曉文,2016。〈杜特爾特的對華政策調整及其影響〉,《現代國際關係》,2016年第12期,頁47-52。
張凱銘,2017。〈中國「21 世紀海上絲綢之路」戰略之研究〉,《台灣國際研究季刊》,第 13 卷第 1 期,頁 141-178。
張貴洪,2019。〈“一帶一路”倡議與印太戰略構想的比較分析〉,《現代國際關係》,2019年第2期,頁26-34。
張磊、崔岩,2018。〈日本 ODA-ADB框架下的開發援助及其啟示—以南亞地區為例〉,《日本問題研究》,第32卷第1期,頁21-28。
張耀之,2018。〈日本的印太戰略理念與政策實踐〉,《日本問題研究》,第32卷第2期,2018年4月,頁8-19。
陳文賢,2009。〈美中關係的發展對臺灣的影響─歷史的觀察〉,新世紀智庫論壇,第46期,頁66-69。
陳文賢,2013。〈歐巴馬政府下的美中關係與台灣的因應〉,《台灣國際研究季刊》,第9卷,第2期,頁27-42。
陳積敏、楊晶瀅,2019。〈美國“印太戰略”的演進及其前景探究〉,《當代世界》,2019年第10期,頁36-43。
鈕先鍾,2000。〈地緣政治的復活〉,《國防雜誌》,第15卷第9期,頁12-17。
馮昭奎,2002。《21世紀的日本:戰略的貧困》。北京:中國城市出版社。
黃宇興,2017。〈談判能力與聯盟轉型〉,《世界經濟與政治》,2017年第6期,頁77-101。
廉德瑰,2017。〈從日本的離島防禦戰略看西太平洋的海權博弈〉,《日本問題研究》,第31卷第3期,頁1-9。
楊書菲、吳玉瑩,2017。〈亞太變局下臺灣落實新南向的挑戰與機會〉,《經濟前瞻》,頁32-36。
節大磊,2016。〈約束盟國的邏輯與困境〉,《世界經濟與政治》,2016年第3期,頁74-94。
葉海林,2018。〈“印太”概念的前景與中國的應對策略〉,《印度洋經濟體研究》,2018年第2期,頁1-14。
葉曉迪,2018。〈中美權力競爭視域下臺灣地區地緣角色再思考:一個理論與政策的分析〉,《世界經濟與政治論壇》 ,第5期,頁1。
廖舜右、蔡松伯,2013/9。〈新古典現實主義與外交政策分析的再連結〉,《問題與研究》,第52卷第3期,頁43-61。
漆海霞、齊浩,2017。〈同盟信號、觀眾成本與中日、中菲海洋爭端〉,《世界經濟與政治》,2017年第8期,頁106-134。
蒲曉宇,2014。〈霸權的印象管理:地位信號、地位困境與美國亞太再平衡戰略〉,《世界經濟與政治》,2014年第9期,頁34-49。
劉若楠,2015。〈美國權威如何塑造亞太盟國的對外戰略〉,《當代亞太》,2015年第2期,頁55-75。
劉若楠,2017。〈大國安全競爭與東南亞國家的地區戰略轉變〉,《世界經濟與政治》,2017年第4期,頁60-82。
劉豐,2017。〈中美戰略競爭與東亞安全態勢〉,《現代國際關係》,2017年第8期,頁23-30。
劉豐、陳志端,2015。〈東亞國家應對中國崛起的戰略選擇:一種新古典現實主義的解釋〉,《當代亞太》,2015年第4期,頁4-25。
樓春豪,2018。〈“亞非增長走廊”倡議:內涵、動因與前景〉,《國際問題研究》,2018年第1期,頁60-76。
蔡志銓、樊兆善,2015/11。〈中共推動「一帶一路」的戰略意涵〉,《國防雜誌》,第 30 卷第 6 期,頁 29-58。
蔡明彥、張凱銘,2015。〈「避險」戰略下大國互動模式之研究:以美中亞太戰略競合為例〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第16卷第3期,頁1-68。
蔡易如,2018。〈臺灣之進出口與臺灣接單海外生產對製造業表現的影響-地區別貿易效果之比較〉,《經濟研究》,第54卷第2期,頁243-286。
鄭中堂,2018/6。〈2017年川普政府時期美國對中國政策之改變:新古典現實主義的觀點〉,《復興崗學報》,第112期,頁75-96。
鄭端耀,2005。〈國際關係新古典現實主義理論〉,《問題與研究》,第44卷第1期,頁115-140。
盧昊,2018。〈日本對“一帶一路”倡議的政策:變化、特徵與動因分析〉,《日本學刊》,2018年第3期,頁63-81。
謝志淵,2018。〈美國「印太戰略」的機遇與挑戰—兼論對臺灣影響〉,《海軍學術雙月刊》,第52卷,第3期,頁61-75。
蘇浩,2004。〈地緣重心與世界政治的支點〉,《現代國際關係》,第4期,頁54-61。
報紙、網路
2009/12/24。〈蘇起:建構「和中、友日、親美」格局〉,《今日報導》, <http://www.herald-today.com/content.php?sn=1090> (檢索日期:2019年3月27日)
2014/9/2。〈習近平:中國夢是和平、發展、合作、共贏的夢〉,《中國共產黨新聞網》,<http://theory.people.com.cn/n/2014/0902/c40531-25587270.html> (檢索日期:2019年7 月10日)
2014/11/3。〈一帶一路 習近平的國際戰略〉,《中央社》, <http://www.cna.com.tw/news/acn/201411030158-1.aspx> (檢索日期:2019年1月5日)
2014/11/12。〈習近平:把不衝突不對抗、相互尊重、合作共贏的原則落到實處〉,《新華網》,<http://world.huanqiu.com/article/2014-11/5200222.html?agt=16372> (檢索日期:2019年3月16日)
2015/3/27。〈馬英九:贊成台灣加入亞投行〉,《工商時報》, <https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20150327000062-260210?chdtv> (檢索日期:2019年5月20日)
2016/4/18。〈回顧8年政績 馬英九:台、美、陸三方變成良性循環〉,《ETtoday》, <https://www.ettoday.net/news/20160418/682576.htm#ixzz5xFdAeUvO> (檢索日期:2019年8月21日)
2016/8/2。〈中評專譯:美學者稱一帶一路不威脅美國利益〉,《中國評論新聞網》, <http://hk.crntt.com/doc/1043/3/3/1/104333103_2.html?coluid=93&kindid=10 410&docid=104333103&mdate=0802002343> (檢索日期:2019年2月5日)
2016/8/16。〈總統召開「對外經貿戰略會談」 通過「新南向政策」政策綱領〉,新南向政策專網, <https://newsouthboundpolicy.trade.gov.tw/PageDetail?pageID=10&nodeID=21> (檢索日期:2019年5月22日)
2016/11/20。〈歐巴馬任內中美關係的回顧與展望〉,《每日頭條》, <https://kknews.cc/zh-tw/world/v9855vq.html> (檢索日期:2019年3月24日)
2017/4/2。〈川普執政 美中台關係大事記〉,《中時電子報》,<https://www.chinatimes.com/realtimenews/20170402001566-260408?chdtv> (檢索日期:2019年3月24日)
2017/4/10。〈切割美國?美菲3大年度聯合軍演全停辦了!〉,《自由時報》, <https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/world/breakingnews/2031929> (檢索日期:2019年3月6日)
2017/5/10。〈海上絲路貿易指數今正式發佈 為沿線國家提供資訊參考〉,《新華網》,<http://www.xinhuanet.com/fortune/2017-05/10/c_129599339.htm> (檢索日期:2019年3月31日)
2017/5/15。〈“一帶一路”國際合作高峰論壇圓桌峰會聯合公報〉, <http://www.beltandroadforum.org/n100/2017/0514/c24-414.html> (檢索日期:2019年3月27日)
2017/5/15。〈習近平在“一帶一路”國際合作高峰論壇圓桌峰會上的開幕辭〉, <http://www.beltandroadforum.org/n100/2017/0515/c24-415.html> (檢索日期:2019年3月27日)
2017/5/16。〈“一帶一路”國際合作高峰論壇成果清單〉, <http://www.beltandroadforum.org/n100/2017/0516/c24-422.html> (檢索日期:2019年3月28日)
2017/6/20。〈“一帶一路”建設海上合作設想〉,《中國一帶一路網》,<https://www.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/wcm.files/upload/CMSydylgw/201706/201706200152052.pdf> (檢索日期:2019年3月20日)
2017/7/20。〈關於孟中印緬經濟走廊,印度在猶豫什麼?〉,《每日頭條》, <https://kknews.cc/zh-tw/world/46lgrxv.html> (檢索日期:2019年4月25日)
2017/10/24。〈中國共產黨第十九次全國代表大會在京閉幕,習近平發表重要講話〉,《新華網》,<http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/19cpcnc/2017-10/24/c_1121849894.htm> (檢索日期:2019年5月25日)
2018/7/20。〈共軍東海演習 美印太司令部:恐嚇鄰國〉,《中央社》, <https://www.udn.com/news/story/7331/3262891> (檢索日期:2019年3月31日)
2018/7/27。〈杜特蒂簽署莫洛國組織法 盼換得南部和平〉,《中央社》, <https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aopl/201807270173.aspx> (檢索日期:2019年5月18日)
2018/8/1。〈「印太戰略」讓各國面臨對華關係難題〉,《日經中文網》, <https://zh.cn.nikkei.com/politicsaeconomy/politicsasociety/31593-2018-08-01-09-50-32.html?start=0> (檢索日期:2019年9月29日)。
2018/9/19。〈“一帶一路”大數據報告(2018)》發布:俄羅斯合作度最高 粵魯滬參與度最高〉,《中國一帶一路網》, <https://www.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/xwzx/gnxw/66751.htm> (檢索日期:2019年3月23日)
2018/10/20。〈美韓又一次暫停大型軍演〉,《美國之音》, <https://www.voacantonese.com/a/us-south-korea-20181019/4621743.html> (檢索日期:2019年3月2日)
2018/10/26。〈中日北京融冰,安倍晉三:日本與中國互為合作夥伴、互不構成威脅、共同開拓第三方市場〉,《風傳媒》, <https://www.storm.mg/article/574182?srcid=gAAAAABcsvl5IOfc8tCSdXTT9G97Q4S6sJGbOSr-Y2g59SulY2c8xZ39WokKzhqgZnTdkJDqC8BUhc4DEC_vij-si4o7wOWIl59zNe7P2YwDRls5dgWXHmA%253D> (檢索日期:2019年4月14日)
2018/11/14。〈安倍印太「戰略」改稱「構想」的對華考量〉,《日經中文網》, <https://zh.cn.nikkei.com/politicsaeconomy/politicsasociety/33050-2018-11-14-05-00-30.html> (檢索日期:2019年2月9日)
2018/11/23。〈美防長:美韓將縮小明年“禿鷲”聯合軍演規模〉,《人民網》, <http://korea.people.com.cn/BIG5/n1/2018/1123/c407914-30417462.html> (檢索日期:2019年3月2日)
2019/1/11。〈中國是澳大利亞最大交易夥伴、第一大出口市場〉,《人民網》, <http://world.people.com.cn/GB/n1/2019/0111/c1002-30517652.html> (檢索日期:2019年4月10日)
2019/1/22。〈首屆“一帶一路”國際合作高峰論壇279項成果落實率超過96%〉,《新華網》,<http://www.xinhuanet.com/fortune/2019-01/22/c_1124027064.htm> (檢索日期:2019年3月19日)
2019/2/13。〈從昆明坐高鐵到寮國不是夢!但坐到泰國還要等一等〉,《聯合報》, <https://theme.udn.com/theme/story/6775/3640620> (檢索日期:2019年5月16日)
2019/2/18。〈數說“一帶一路”成績單〉,《中國一帶一路網》,<https://www.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/jcsj/dsjkydyl/79860.htm> (檢索日期:2019年4月1日)
2019/3/16。〈美國質疑一帶一路 在聯合國與中國互嗆〉,《中央社》, <https://www.cna.com.tw/news/firstnews/201903160042.aspx> (檢索日期:2019年3月17日)
2019/3/26。〈2019年2月海絲貿易指數:進出口貿易季節性回落 平穩發展格局未有改變〉,《中國一帶一路網》, <https://www.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/xwzx/gnxw/83969.htm> (檢索日期:2019年3月31日)
2019/3/27。〈已同中國簽訂共建“一帶一路”合作文件的國家一覽〉,《中國一帶一路網》,<https://www.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/gbjg/gbgk/77073.htm> (檢索日期:2019年3月31日)
2019/4/8。〈中國一帶一路高峰論壇 印度再度拒絕出席〉,《經濟日報》, <https://money.udn.com/money/story/5599/3743336> (檢索日期:2019年4月10日)
2019/4/15。〈競爭轉向協調 中日關係大進展〉,《聯合新聞網》, <https://udn.com/news/story/7331/3755881> (檢索日期:2019年4月15日)
2019/4/23。〈日外交藍皮書 定位日中為最重要雙邊關係之一〉,《中央社》, <https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aopl/201904230061.aspx> (檢索日期:2019年4月20日)
2019/4/23。〈日本外交藍皮書稱擁竹島 南韓譴責篡改歷史〉,《聯合新聞網》, <https://udn.com/news/story/6809/3772880> (檢索日期:2019年5月20日)
2019/8/22。〈南韓撕毁GSOMIA 日方認為南韓較吃虧〉,《中時電子報》, <https://www.chinatimes.com/realtimenews/20190822004474-260408?chdtv> (檢索日期:2019年9月29日)
2019/11/1。〈連續三年川普不來東亞峰會 影響力讓位中國〉,《經濟日報》,<https://udn.com/news/story/6813/4138110> (檢索日期:2019年11月2日)
2019/11/3。〈李克強:一帶一路願對接東協各國發展戰略〉,《經濟日報》, <https://money.udn.com/money/story/5599/4142514> (檢索日期:2019年11月3日)
2019/11/9。〈21世紀海上絲綢之路國際智庫論壇在廣州舉行〉,《新浪網》, <https://chinanews.sina.com/bg/chnmedia/chnpolitics/chinanews/2019-11-09/doc-ifzqrxyc5355734.shtml> (檢索日期:2019年11月13日)
2019/11/16。〈東協取代歐美 成陸最大貿易夥伴〉,《中時電子報》, <https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20191116000191-260301?chdtv> (檢索日期:2019年11月16日)
2019/11/22。〈日韓軍事情報協定繼續有效 南韓:隨時可終止〉,《自由時報》, <https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/world/breakingnews/2986703> (檢索日期:2019年12月19日)
2019/12/7。〈印太18國空軍指揮官及代表聚集夏威夷 美國稱彰顯共同願望應對中國〉,《美國之音》,<https://www.voacantonese.com/a/indo-pacific-air-chiefs-symposium-20191206/5196738.html> (檢索日期:2019年12月8日)
2019/12/11。〈2019年美軍在南海及周邊地區的軍事演習〉,《北京大學「南海戰略態勢感知計畫」》,<https://scspi.pku.edu.cn/yjbg/index.htm> (檢索日期:2019年12月15日)
Packham, Ben, 2018/9/21。〈搶先中國 澳大利亞與巴布亞紐幾內亞合建軍港〉,澳洲人報(The Australian)中文版,<https://cn.theaustralian.com.au/2018/09/21/12147/> (檢索日期:2019年4月3日)
中國國家發展改革委、外交部、商務部,2015/3/28。〈推動共建絲綢之路經濟帶和 21 世紀海上絲綢之路的願景與行動〉,<http://www.ndrc.gov.cn/gzdt/201503/t20150328_669091.html> (檢索日期:2019年3月19日)
中國國際經濟交流中心,2019/5/7。〈“ 一帶一路 ” 貿易投資指數(BRTII)在京發佈“一帶一路”沿線國家和地區已成全球最重要的外資流入地,為僅次於歐盟的全球第二大貿易板塊〉, <http://www.cciee.org.cn/Detail.aspx?newsId=16550&TId=8> (檢索日期:2019年5月8日)
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中華人民共和國外交部,2014/6/10。〈印度總理莫迪會見王毅〉,<https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/ce/cgmel/chn/zyxw/t1163752.htm> (檢索日期:2019年5月7日)
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