學界對於歐盟民主赤字的研究已持續三十餘載，自歐債危機以來，歐盟治理成效與作為更引起新一波辯論。就歐盟民主正當性的探討而言，從以往政治制度安排擴展到歐洲實際政治運作層面，此一研究議程轉變所對應的思考途徑恰是近年蓬勃發展的後功能主義，其將過往統合理論所忽略歐洲民意、認同傾向以及政黨政治對於歐洲統合發展的影響，加以整合至歐洲議題政治化現象之探究，其正是歐盟長期欠缺的民主元素。歐洲議會與執委會運作位居歐盟民主赤字首要課題，兩機構因應歐盟強化民主屬性的目標，於2014與2019年歐洲議會選舉中採用首席候選人機制，期由民意產生的議員、其所屬政黨推舉的執委會主席候選人、候選人政見辯論與公眾討論等過程，強化歐盟政策的民主代表性與課責性。
本文旨在以歐盟面臨正當性危機為背景，以後功能主義解釋首席候選人機制的發展，分析其運作過程以及對歐盟民主正當性的意義，兼論後功能主義對歐盟強化其民主屬性作為的啟示。除緒論外，第二章闡釋後功能主義理論意涵與分析架構；第三章探討歐盟民主赤字議題與其強化民主正當性的途徑；第四章解析首席候選人機制在程序民主上的改革與局限；第五章分析該機制在「新」改革途徑──政治化的效果與意涵；最後總結之。
本文指出，首席候選人機制兼具強化歐盟程序與實質民主的潛能，但歷經兩次適用經驗，歐盟民主赤字問題未能有所改善。除了機制本身尚未完備，各會員國領袖、政黨行為者使用意願，以及政治文化、語言、民眾態度與認同傾向差異等，皆影響歐盟層面大選議題政治化的效果，尤其突顯歐盟民主正當性面臨著歐洲公領域與歐洲政治難以調和的困境。以後功能主義的觀點而言，首席候選人機制係因歐盟民主正當性的功能壓力而產生，以及該機制帶來的政治化現象隱含對歐洲統合發展的負面效果－政治極化。歐盟仍可能繼續完善首席候選人機制，值得關注其建構歐盟民主正當性的途徑與效果，以及對歐洲統合的影響。

The study of democratic deficit has been lasting for more than 3 decades. The effectiveness of EU governance has even created another debate since Euro crisis. The research agenda of EU democratic legitimacy has also extended from the perspective of political institution arrangement to actual European political operation.  This research agenda is actually corresponding to the flourishing Post-Functionalism in recent years, which has consolidated the neglected variables of the past integration theories into the study of politicization in Europe, such as European public opinion, identities and party politics. It fills the exact blank space in EU democracy. Being in the firing line, European Parliament and European Commission has adopted the Spitzenkandidaten system during 2014 and 2019 EP election in order to strengthen EU democracy, looking forward to strengthening the democratic representation and accountability of EU policies through processes in terms of the public election of EP members, candidates of the EU Commission President who represents their political parties, political debates among the candidates and public discussions.
This thesis aims to explain the development of the Spitzenkandidaten system in the context of the EU’s legitimacy crisis, analyze its operation and its implication on EU’s democratic legitimacy, and discuss the enlightenment of Post-functionalism to EU’s democratic attributes. The full text is divided into five parts: the first chapter is the introduction; the second chapter explains the theoretical meaning and framework analysis of Post-functionalism; the third chapter discusses the issue of the EU democracy deficit and the approaches to strengthen democratic legitimacy; the fourth chapter analyzes the reform and limitations of the Spitzenkandidaten system on procedural democracy; hence the fifth chapter analyzes its effectiveness and implication of the "new" reforming approach—politicization; and the last chapter summarizes this thesis in conclusion. 
This thesis points out that the Spitzenkandidaten system has the potential to strengthen both EU procedures and substantive democracy, but the EU democracy deficit has not been resolved after two attempts. In addition to the incomplete system itself, the willingness of the leaders of various member states and party actors, political culture, language, public attitudes, and identity tendencies, etc., all affects the politicization of the EU-level election issues, which especially emphasizes the struggle of EU democratic legitimacy──the difficulty of reconciling European public sphere and European politics. Looking into the perspective of Post-functionalism, the functional pressure from the demand for the EU’s democratic legitimacy has led to the Spitzenkandidaten system, and the politicization came along with this mechanism implies a negative effect on the development of European integration——political polarization. The EU may continue to improve Spitzenkandidaten system. It is worth noting to the approach and effects in constructing EU democratic legitimacy, as well as the impact on European integration.

目錄
第一章 緒論	1
  第一節 研究動機與研究目的	1
  第二節 研究途徑與研究方法	3
  第三節 文獻回顧	6
    一、歐盟民主赤字辯論之發展	6
    二、歐洲統合政治化與歐盟民主正當性的研究取向	14
    三、首席候選人機制作為強化歐盟民主正當性之策略與成效	18
  第四節 研究範圍	26
  第五節 研究架構	27
第二章 後功能主義與歐盟民主正當性	30
  第一節 後功能主義的統合觀	31
    一、歐洲統合發展的脈絡	32
    二、影響歐洲統合發展的變數	35
    三、政黨政治變遷與認同策略	41
  第二節 歐洲統合政治化的假定與分析架構	44
    一、區域統合偏好形成	46
    二、政黨的政治化策略	47
    三、政治化對於區域統合結果的意涵	47
  第三節 歐盟民主正當性：功能壓力的解釋	49
第三章 歐盟民主正當性議題、危機與改革	57
  第一節 議題：誰代表歐洲人民？政策失敗誰來負責？	57
    一、歐盟民主正當性爭論之根源	58
    二、歐盟制度性民主赤字之論述	63
  第二節 危機：歐盟治理成效與疑歐氛圍	70
  第三節 改革：歐盟強化民主正當性之作為	72
  第四節 小結：「限制性分歧」背景下的歐盟民主正當性	75
第四章 解析首席候選人機制的強化民主意圖、效果與侷限	79
  第一節 首席候選人機制產生的背景與動機	80
    一、執委會主席任命制度之發展	80
    二、首席候選人機制的「法源基礎」與相關政治論述	84
  第二節 2014、2019年歐洲議會選舉首席候選人機制的運作方式與結果	87
    一、2014年首席候選人機制運作過程與爭議	87
    二、2019年首席候選人機制運作過程與結果	91
  第三節 首席候選人機制對於歐盟民主輸入端正當性的影響	97
    一、首席候選人機制與歐盟民主輸入端正當性	97
    二、首席候選人機制強化民主的評估指標與成效	99
  第四節 小結	105
第五章 「新」改革途徑：首席候選人機制與歐洲統合政治化	110
  第一節 歐洲統合政治化研究取向與歐盟民主正當性的學理探討	111
  第二節 首席候選人機制促進歐洲議題政治化策略之分析	115
  第三節 首席候選人機制提升歐盟民主正當性的成效	117
  第四節 小結	125
第六章 結論	128
  第一節 首席候選人機制對於歐盟民主正當性的意義	129
  第二節 後功能主義對於歐盟民主正當性的啟示	135

圖目次
圖 1後功能主義的歐洲統合政治化模型	4
圖 2 研究概念圖	27
圖 3 研究架構圖	29
圖 4歐洲民眾對各種組織的認同比較	39
圖 5 後功能主義的國內政治化模式	45
圖 6 歐盟正當性來源	63
圖 7歐洲議會歷年政黨席次變化(1979-2019)	96
圖 8 各國受訪者選擇「為了影響執委會主席的人選」而投票的比例（相較2014年調查的比例變化）	103
圖 9 後功能主義對首席候選人機制運作的解釋	129
圖 10 歐盟民主赤字與首席候選人機制	133
圖 11人民訴求是否受到歐盟重視之民調	138

表目次
表 1　2014年執委會主席任命程序與歐洲議會選舉時程表	87
表 2  2019年首席候選人黨內初選條件與結果	94
表 3 各國針對政黨與政治人物報導的比例(%)	118
表 4　2014年各國受訪者對首席候選人識別率與首席候選人競選造訪次數	120
表 5　2019年議會選舉各國受訪者對首席候選人的識別率(%)	122

參考文獻	140

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二、中文文獻
（一）專書
朱雲漢：全球化的裂解與再融合: 中國模式與西方模式誰將勝出? 台北：遠見天下文化，2020年。
黃琛瑜：英國政府與政治，台北：五南，2019年。
（二）專書論文
朱景鵬：主編序，刊載於：朱景鵬（編）：歐洲聯盟的公共治理、政策與案例分析，臺北：國立臺灣大學出版中心，2013年，頁xvii-xxix。
張亞中：歐洲聯盟的演進，刊載於：黃偉峰（編）：歐洲聯盟的組織與運作，臺北：五南，2007年，頁23-78。
陳蔚芳：國際整合與區域主義，刊載於：張亞中、張登及（編）：國際關係總論，新北：揚智，2020年，頁413-451。
黃偉峰：歐洲議會，刊載於：黃偉峰（編）：歐洲聯盟的組織與運作，臺北：五南，2007年，頁283-340。
黃榮源：歐盟公共治理體系的建構與轉型〉，刊載於：朱景鵬（編）：歐洲聯盟的 公共治理、政策與案例分析，臺北：國立臺灣大學出版中心，2013年，頁3-59。
劉嘉薇：政治學研究途徑與方法，刊載於：陳義彥：政治學，臺北：五南，2016，頁99-101。
盧倩儀：從歐盟制憲經驗看歐盟之民主赤字問題，刊載於：洪德欽（編）：歐盟憲法，臺北：中央研究院歐美研究所，2007年，頁81-120。
藍玉春：歐洲聯盟成立後的發展（1990-2000），刊載於：蘇宏達：歐洲聯盟的歷史發展與理論辯論，國立臺灣大學出版中心，2011，頁：149-203。
（二）期刊論文
王群洋：歐洲認同與歐盟東擴之互動發展，刊載於：全球政治評論，第37期，2012年，頁31-60。
朱景鵬：區域主義，區域整合與兩岸整合問題之探討，刊載於：中國大陸研究，第 42期，第8卷，1999年，頁71-94。
朱景鵬：區域主義、區域整合與兩岸整合問題之探討，刊載於：中國大陸研究，第 42期，第8卷，1999年，頁71-94。
李貴英：阿姆斯特丹條約關於歐洲聯盟機構改革事宜之評估，刊載於：問題與研究，第 38期，第1卷，1999年，頁49-62。
卓忠宏：簡析歐洲極端政黨的興起與特色，刊載於：歐亞研究，第十期，2020年，頁53-58。
林依仁：民主正當性成分與其程度，刊載於：政大法學評論 ，第129期，2012年，頁75-166。
林聰吉：政治支持與民主鞏固，刊載於：政治科學論叢，第34期，2007年，頁71-104。
黃偉峰：剖析歐洲聯盟正在成型的治理體系，刊載於：歐美研究，第33期，第2卷，2003年，頁291-344。
黃琛瑜：英國與里斯本條約的批准：自由政府間主義的分析，刊載於：歐美研究，第44期，第2卷，2014年，頁127-161。
楊三億：波蘭 1990 年代憲政改革: 制度變遷與社會學習之歐洲化過程，刊載於：全球政治評論 ，第24期，2008年，頁83-120。
盧倩儀：從債務危機評述希臘民主治理的困境，刊載於：東吳政治學報，第35期，第3卷，2017年，頁179-260。
盧倩儀：從歐盟移民政策決策過程談自由派政府間主義，刊載於：問題與研究，第 38期，第3卷，1999年，頁19-32。
盧倩儀：菁英－公民的[歐洲化]斷層，刊載於：問題與研究，第50期，第2卷，2011年，頁35-73。
盧倩儀：歐洲制憲會議對歐盟民主化之影響，刊載於：問題與研究，第44期，第1卷，頁1-19。
盧倩儀：歐洲聯盟超國家民主實踐之再思考，刊載於：台灣政治學刊，第21期，第1卷，2017年，頁1-49。
盧倩儀：整合理論與歐盟條約修改之研究-以歐盟憲法條約與里斯本條約爲例，刊載於：政治科學論叢 ，第46期，2010年，頁111-157。
賴昀辰：歐洲議題政治化現象之分析，刊載於：臺灣民主季刊 ，第16期，第4卷，2019年，頁39-92。
賴昀辰：歐盟整合理論的新發展：後功能主義對傳統整合理論之挑戰，刊載於：政治科學論叢，第78期，2018年，頁137-177。
藍玉春：有關歐洲統合的論戰及其實踐：聯邦派 vs.主權派，刊載於：政治科學論叢，第11期，1999年，頁181-230。
藍玉春：從建構主義探討形塑中的歐洲認同，刊載於：全球政治評論 ，第25期， 2009年，頁81-116。
蘇宏達：里斯本條約生效後對歐盟對外行動能力與民主治理機制可能的影響，刊載於：政治科學論叢，第40期，2009年，頁81-126。
蘇宏達：從自由政府間主義解析里斯本條約的發展過程，刊載於：問題與研究 ，第49期，第2卷，2010年，頁1-38。
蘇宏達：從制度主義解析歐洲聯盟憲法條約草案，刊載於：政治科學論叢 ，第20期，2004年，頁167-208。
（三）會議論文
張佑宗、朱雲漢：威權韌性與民主赤字：21世紀初葉民主化研究的趨勢與前瞻，論文發表於「政治學的回顧與前瞻學術研討會」，中央研究院人文社會科學館，台北，2012年8月6-7日。